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POLITICAL SCIENCE 

IN 

WESTERN GERMANY 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
European Affairs Division 


The generosity of the Oberlaende'r Trust , Phila¬ 
delphia, has enabled the library of Congress to 
put into,operation a program of Foreign Consultants 
in Germany* One of the main duties of the Foreign 
Consultant is to report on the general trends in 
his subject field and on the special attention 
given to particular aspects, in short, to prepare 
a picture of the intellectual progress in his area 
of responsibility * 


Dr a Arcadius R* L, Gurland, born in 1904., studied 
sociology, economics and philosophy at the universi¬ 
ties of Berlin and Leipzig where he received his 
Ph. D* While working as editor and correspondent 
for various German newspapers and journals, Dr* Gur- 
land published a few books and numerous articles on 
the problem of social and economic changes and on 
political ideology® He left Germany in 1933, worked 
as a writer in Paris and began to specialize in the 
study of economic structures under totalitarian rule* 
He continued this study during his affiliation with 
the Institute of Social Research (Columbia Universi¬ 
ty, New York) 1940-45* During subsequent service 
with United States Government agencies his research 
concentrated on totalitarian ideologies, the role of 
antisemitism, manipulation of public opinion, and 
socio-economic trends in postwar Germany® Dr® Gur- 
land is the author of "Technological Trends and Eco¬ 
nomic Structure under National Socialism/ 1 in 
Studies in Philosophy and Social Scienc e , v* 9, no * 

2, New York, 1941, and a co-author of The Fate of 
Small Business in Nazi Germany (78th Congress, 1st 
Session, Senate Committee Print no® 14), Washington 
D» C®, 1943* Since 1950 Dr® Gurland has been organ- 
izing and conducting a program of empirical research 
at the Institut fur Politische Wissenschaft, Berlin, 
Germany* He also has contributed to, and served as 
the general editor of, the Institutes Schriften (v* 

1, Wahlkampf und Machtverschlebung, v* 2, Faktoren 
der Machtbi1dung r both Berlin, 1952) 0 









POLITICAL SCIENCE 

IN 

WESTERN GERMANY 

Thoughts and Writings, 1950-1952 


>1^ By 

a:r. l. gurland 

Foreign Consultant 
to the 

Library of Congress 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
Reference Department 
European Affairs Division 
Washington: 1952 


This publication is sold by the Card Divi¬ 
sion, Library of Congress, Washington 25, D. C. 
Price $1.00. Its purchase may be charged against 
card accounts of subscribers to the card servicej 
others must p^y in advance by check or money 
order made payable to the Librarian of Congress. 
Postage stamps are not accepted. 

PURCHASES FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES FOR THIS 
PUBLICATIONS MAY BE MADE WITH UNESCO BOOK COUPONS. 


L. C. Card no. 52-60058 





1 

) 


9 

Q 

> 

C TABLE OF CONTENTS 


Foreword v 
Introduction vii 

The Meaning of History 1 
Demonry of Power 4 
Politics in the Writing of History 7 
Bismarck Revival 11 
Imperial Tradition 15 
Weimar Politics 17 
The Origin of National Socialism 21 
The Third Reich's Elite 24 
Resistance in Retrospect 27 
Study of Militarism 30 
Rearmament and Foreign Policy 34 
Ideas and Ideologies 39 
Social Forces 41 
Soviet Totalitarianism 44 
Mass Communications and Mass Organization 46 
Practice of Government 49 
Programs of Studies 52 
Notes and Bibliographical References 

Key to Abbreviations 54 
Notes and References 58 
Index of Authors 114 


iii 












. 














FOREWORD 


This study is part of the second German pro¬ 
gram of Foreign Consultants to the Library of 
Congress, made possible through the generosity of 
the Oberlaender Trust, Philadelphia,. 

It is the main duty of a Foreign Consultant 
to prepare a report on the intellectual life in 
his country and field of responsibility. It is 
the purpose of these reports to encourage and fa¬ 
cilitate research and to contribute to the develop¬ 
ment of direct contact between scholars, institutes 
and libraries that are interested in this field. 
These studies may be either organizational and 
bibliographic surveys, a factual inventory of the 
particular sector of intellectual life, or they may 
be a subjective evaluation and critical analysis 
of thought as it found its expression in writing; 
actually, they are always a combination of both 
types, with the extent of emphasis dependent on the 
individual consultant. 

Dr. A. R. L. Gurland, Foreign Consultant to 
the Library of Congress for Polilical Science in 
the Federal Republic of Germany, has written this 
study and has chosen predominantly the form of a 
critical analysis. In so doing, he has not only 
covered the period 1950-1952 and brought up to date 
the survey prepared by Professor Ernst Wilhelm 
Meyer in 1950, but he has thrown light on trends 
that are developing as he sees them, some promising, 
some discouraging. 


Harry J, Krould, Chief 

October 1952. European Affairs Division 


v 











































. 






































* 
















« * . 


' / 

* 



































































INTRODUCTION 


The survey of postwar developments in German 
political science is to a degree a continuation of 
a study previously published by the European 
Affairs Division,* The period covered, therefore, 
extends from early 1950 to mid-1952, Earlier publi¬ 
cations were listed only in individual instances, 
when omitting them would have meant missing an im¬ 
portant point. 

In a number of cases books and periodicals 
issued in Switzerland or Austria, some of which 
carry parallel imprints of German publishers, are 
included because they are read and discussed by an 
interested German public. 

The institutional setup and the teaching of 
political science has been discussed by Prof, Meyer 
in his earlier report. Since no substantial changes 
have taken place in the meantime, it seemed advis¬ 
able to concentrate on the literature, analyzing 
the ideas and methods discussed and research actual¬ 
ly done. 

Considerable difficulty arose in determining 
the scope of the literature to be surveyed. Politi¬ 
cal science in Germany has not .yet acquired the 
status of a recognized discipline with clearly 
drawn boundary lines. Its subject matter is handled 
by few political scientists and by many historians, 
sociologists, philosophers, students of constitu¬ 
tional law and government, and experts in other re¬ 
lated fields. A survey limited to political science 
proper would have been meaningless; one extending 
to all disciplines in one way or other concerned 
with politics would have assumed gigantic propor¬ 
tions. It was not easy to find a middle way. 


* Ernst Wilhelm Meyer. Political Science and Eco¬ 
nomics in Western Germany . A Postwar Survey . 

Library of Congress, Eruopean Affairs Division. Apr. 
1950. 23 p. 


vii 






Bibliographical references have throughout 
been relegated to the section on Notes and Biblio¬ 
graphic References, Cross references were sacri¬ 
ficed for better readability. An index of names 
of authors may serve as a substitute. 


August, 1952 


A, E. L. Gurland 


POLITICAL SCIENCE IN WESTERN GERMANY 


Thoughts and Writings 

1950 - 1952 


THE MEANING OF HISTORY 

Under the impact of the last decades 3 cataclysmic 
events study of politics has "become to a large extent 
an inquiry into the nature, the sources and the functions 
of power. The picture of a world in the clutches of unre¬ 
strained power "begins to take shape. It is a hazy 
picture as yet; its contradictory aspects leave many 
riddles unsolved. It would seem imperative, then, that 
political science, in dealing with the phenomenon of 
power, should first and foremost observe and classify 
the facts and sift the evidence; at a later stage hypo¬ 
theses would be formulated, to serve as starting points 
for theoretical evaluation. 

In Germany, study of politics has not yet evolved 
this kind of pattern characteristic of a basically em¬ 
pirical discipline. More often than not, scientific 
judgment consists of generalizations drawn from this or 
that body of historical material; frequently speculation 
on the course and meaning of history takes the place of 
minute day-to-day research. Events which stun the layman 
and perturb the scholar are apt to be interpreted in the 
light of a universal philosophy of history. It may well 
happen that what the interpreter deduces from his particu¬ 
lar version of history will serve as an ethical criterion, 
as a guide to research, or as a theory of politics. 

Propensity to philosophical generalization, inherited 
from eighteenth and nineteenth century scientific tradition, 
gives a characteristic slant to scholarly activity con¬ 
cerned with the study of political phenomena. There is a 
constant search for the meaning of history or—in a more 
specific context'—the meaning of power. The major schools 
of thought are easily discernible. A rationalist, opti¬ 
mistic, liberal pattern, sometimes with a clearly social¬ 
ist tinge, vies with a skeptical, cautiously agnostic 
approach, which has no answers to the burning questions of 
the day. Rooted in a pessimistic anthropology, a theologi¬ 
cal view of history renounces historical action, appealing 
to the ascetic faith of the individual; finally, a funda¬ 
mentally pessimistic philosophy, while extolling the virtues 
of heroic living, counsels abstention from action and comes 
close to accepting the invincibility of the evil forces of 
atomizing power. 


In the field of scholarly discussion, the most 
systejnatic and wide-range contributions have come from 
the optimistic, rationalist school 0 Impulse and di- 
rection to the debate were imparted by the philosophi¬ 
cal writings of Karl Jaspers, who now teaches in Basle 
but still remains Germany's leading philosopher Re¬ 
vising earlier "existentialist" formulations, Professor 
Jaspers makes himself more and more the standard-bearer 
of a philosophy of Reason (l)* . He lifts the veil from 
many an ambitious scheme of "total knowledge" that 
welds together science, faith and politics and necessar¬ 
ily involves annihilation of science, Conversely, the 
supremacy of Reason, which precludes universal claims 
of every all-embracing We11anschauung , presupposes a 
community of experience and thought, boundless open- 
mindedness, and unlimited reediness for communication 
and intellectual exchange. Where Reason reigns, all 
mystery, vagueness, magic, blind spontaneity and its 
concomitant, blind obedience, must retreat. 

Viewed through the magnifying glass of Reason, 
nistory reveals a sequence of stages and interlocking 
cycles in the development of human society, it has not 
come to an end (2). Modern technology, to be sure, has 
released energies multipliable at will; it has brought 
about mass culture, the great leveler of our day; faith 
is destroyed; and thinking follows ready-made ideologi¬ 
cal patterns, which barely disguise the underlying empti¬ 
ness. Modern man is exposed to terror and fear But by 
the same token a social process has been set in motion 
which makes man rebel against being enthralled by materi¬ 
al, technological and economic aims. Thus the technologi¬ 
cal age brings forth a struggle for truth and freedom. 

The global unification of human energies and resources is 
on the agenda; it calls for democratic, socialist control, 
the opposite of totalitarian planning and bureaucratic 
rule . 


Here Jaspers joins hands with Alfred Weber (brother 
of Max), dean of German sociologists. In Weber 0 s "history 
of culture," (3) the principal stages of the development 
of mankind appear more clearly defined and take a more 
specific shape. The "third stage" of human history, now 
coming to its close, was the age of "expansionist," in¬ 
tellectually adventurous, freely roaming man, the de¬ 
scendant of those nomad cattle-breeders who, invading our 
geographic world around 4000 B. C., superimposed their 
dynamism and their system of social controls upon earlier 


♦ Numbers in parentheses refer to entries under "Notes 
and Bibliographic References,"' p, 54* 


2 




earth-bound agricultural societies. Today "ex¬ 
pansionist man” is threatened by a mass society 
where social control becomes functionalized and 
degenerates into "bureaucratic domination,, A 
’’fourth man” is about to take his place. An open 
society’s philosophical and religious values are 
no longer valid wherever the ’’functionary” holds 
sway. The emptiness of mass culture, the atomic 
bomb and totalitarian despotism follow in the wake 
of the functionalization of human life. The 
’’Third man” becomes a split personality and is 
threatened with destruction. And yet there is no 
reason why he should yield. He can resume mastery 
over the blind forces of over-all functionalization 
and bureaucratization if and when he harnesses his 
energies toward planning his life. Subjection to 
economic power and material necessity may be over¬ 
come through socialist organization, and democratic 
self-government can free mankind from the rule of 
bureaucracy. 

Weber’s pattern of cultural history is con¬ 
cretized sociologically and elaborated with the 
help of psychoanalytical insight in the work of 
Alexander Eustow (after many years of exile in Tur¬ 
key, now Weber’s successor in the chair of sociolo¬ 
gy at the University of Heidelberg). Eustow has 
marshaled an enormous amount of historical and psycho¬ 
logical data in support of the theory of the super¬ 
imposition of the nomad horsemen’s culture upon the 
older agricultural community. In his interpretation, 
(4) society (as distinguished from community) dates 
back to the invasion of horsemen, which inaugurated 
the reign of crude force, imposed sado-masochistic 
traits upon man’s personality structure, permitted 
global spreading of systems of domination, and un¬ 
loosed the uncontrollable forces of imperialism and 
war. Burdened by this heritage of the ages, society, 
even in the dynamic technological era, has seen super¬ 
imposed monopolies establish their pernicious rule. 

In a market economy, where the automatism of supply 
and demand operating through the mechanism of un¬ 
controlled prices performed the necessary regulating 
functions, freedom had had a chance, and it was the 
great discovery of nineteenth century liberalism to 
have realized the opportunity for ridding society of 
superimposed domination. 

However, liberalism missed acrucial point. Un¬ 
less enforced by organized social control, competition 
is bound to engender monopoly and become self- 
destructive. The pluralistic economy of monopolies, 


3 


subsidies and high tariff duties, which has come to 
he called capitalism, grows into a system of bureau¬ 
cratic rule and all-pervasive controls and slavery 0 
This can be prevented only if government intervention 
protects and safeguards free competition, nipping in 
the bud every monopoly growth (5) 0 This is not as 
easy as it sounds, for in a society dominated by 
minorities ever since the days of the horsemen 5 s in¬ 
trusion, all mental processes tend to be distorted* 
Minority rule is upheld by ideologies (religious or 
other) which impress images of authority upon the 
human mind* The structure of knowledge, too, is 
subject to superimposed controls 0 Psychoanalytical 
techniques, Professor Rustow insists, must be used 
to lift the superimposed veil so that truth may be 
made to prevail 0 

The meaning of history does not reveal itself 
except when the hold that power has on the mind is 
shakeno Applying this principle to the special case 
of German susceptibility to power-centered ideo¬ 
logies, Erich Kahler uses the tools of psychological 
analysis for probing into the components of the 
German national character and its specific disfigure¬ 
ment (e_ 0 & 0 , prevalence of national inferiority 
feelings, which may lead to ethnocentric Jew-hatred) 0 
The German case is not unique 0 The more society be¬ 
comes functionalized, the more consistently the 
collective subconscious is pressed into a stereo¬ 
typed shape by the slogan-molded attitudes of socie¬ 
ty 0 s functional groups (analogous to those analyzed 
by Weber and Rustow) 0 This is why the claim to 
universal validity inherent in value judgments is 
rapidly losing ground„ It is rational analysis that 
shows power at work and "debunks" its mysterious 
threat to humanity (6)* Instead of falling prey to 
uncontrollable forces unleashed by history, man, in 
rationalist interpretation, has a fair chance to 
make these forces transparent and handle them 0 


DEMONRY OE POWER 

Gan history, be given a turn toward freedom? An¬ 
swering in the affirmative, the philosopher and the 
sociologist display an anthropological optimism 
scarcely shared by anthropology 9 s official spokesmen 0 
Discussing "growth and decay 9 ' at the Second Anthropo¬ 
logical and Sociological Conference (Mainz 195l) , the 
experts seemed to be shrugging their shoulders 0 The 
decay of nations. Professor Use Schwidetzky said. 


4 


was due to a variety of causes? genocide, change of 
ethnic substance, and excessive mortality of elites 
attributable to migration and dispersion or to 
disastrous effects of racial hybridization; it was 
possible, however, she added, f, that this be not a 
biological but a sociological problem." "Here the 
anthropologist is not competent anymore; he has 
to pass the question on to the historian of culture 
(7)« n Nevertheless, a few things remain to be said. 

The striving for power, Professor Muhlmann 
holds, is an innate desire of man, intertwined with 
his lust for prestige and possession. Only when 
power and prestige are torn asunder does power take 
on a disguise. This happened when Europe®s revolu¬ 
tions deprived power of the charisma of legitimacy. 
Once hidden behind a mask, power will do its utmost 
to remain invisible. Social reality then is con¬ 
ceived as devoid of power. Denial of the existence 
of power becomes a tool at its service. As a conse¬ 
quence, abuse of power evades detection. "When 
that which at all times was the rule of a minority 
is now called the sovereignty of all...the self¬ 
concealment of power reaches its climax (8)." At 
this point power becomes unassailable, a menace 
which must be counteracted from the outset. How? 

The exercise of power must be limited, Professor 
Muhlmann says, and the limits must be observed. He 
does not say how observance should be enforced. 

But he implies clearly that democratic sharing of 
power is, and always will be, a fraud conducive to 
abuse at its worst. To prove his point the leading 
German anthropologist cites chapter and verse; his 
knowledge of research carried on by American politi¬ 
cal scientists and sociologists is impressive. Only 
the conclusions seem worlds apart. Striking sail, 
anthropology bows to power. 

Where does that leave the historian and the 
student of politics? If lust for power must be con¬ 
sidered inherent in man, human nature by implication 
must be regarded as basically evil or--at best-- 
dichotomous, "dual." As seen by Professor Ritter of 
the University of Freiburg, uncontested political 
leader of the historians® commonwealth, this Is in¬ 
deed the basic '’antinomy" of politics. The "demoni¬ 
ac" nature of power flows from the fact that struggle 
is not the essence of power since only he who wields 
it may secure the chance to avoid struggle. Power 
therefore calls for expansion and aggrandizement, 
while amassed power entails abuse, engenders demonry 
and threatens to become satanic. The taming of 
power through reason and freedom, as dreamed of by 


5 


Thomas More, is possible only in an insular situ¬ 
ation. "He who sees his own claim to power and 
life clash constantly with that of his neighbors 
must constantly face the ineluctable hardship of 
genuine political life-or-death struggle and will 
therefore tend toward holding back moral appraisal." 

A Machiavellian attitude may ensue. It is impera¬ 
tive, then, that a durable legal order keep power 
within bounds; this would be futile, however, un-~ 
less based on the understanding of the "dual nature" 
of man and of the menace to which continental 
countries are exposed by virtue of their geographi¬ 
cal position (9)o 

It is obvious that to rely on the containment of 
satanic power by law and the moral order means to 
believe in the presence of a supernatural power in 
history(lO). Consideration of power phenomena 
would be removed from the realm of political science 
and substituted for by theological interpretation of 
history, as is the case with Catholic writers. The 
crisis the world is living through points to the 
"end of time." There is, Josef Pieper, Catholic 
philosopher and sociologist, admits, a kernel of 
truth in nihilistic attitudes; the annihilation of 
the world of sin may be conceived of as just re¬ 
tribution. To the Catholic thinker, the end of 
time is a " ‘transposition 1 of the created being of 
the historical world into a state of immediate parti¬ 
cipation in the Creator's timeless mode of being." 

To face it is to be "realistic" and "free from Illu¬ 
sion." If it is true that catastrophe, as sociology 
of culture warnfc, must be envisaged, man must be pre¬ 
pared to endure martyrdom, bearing witness of the 
truth of creation and defending human dignity (ll). 

Romano Guardini, another Catholic philosopher, 
holds that modern technology, producing the mass age, 
dehumanizes man and denaturalizes nature. Crippled, 
man is exposed to the demoniac mastery of power and 
must be aware of "the end," that is, of the ultimate 
decision and its implications. In the coming age, 
when faith will be suppressed and love ignored, the 
lone believer must dedicate himself to stronger and 
more powerful love (12). Power over nature requires 
tools and planning, and makes man lose the richness 
of personal creativeness. Power over human beings, 
exercised with the help of tools, "functionalizes" 
man and corrodes emotion; the natural structures of 
human relations disintegrate. Man becomes expendable 
and exchangeable, an appendage of technology, economics 
and government. In the face of this destiny man will 


6 


be saved only when he abandons belief in progress 
and faces danger, listening to the ultimate exi¬ 
gency and ascetically ready to resist evil 0 
Prayer and meditation open up a vista (13) 0 

Exponents of Catholic political philosophy 
realize full well that the vision of the ’’end of 
time” places them in dangerous proximity to ni¬ 
hilistic attitudes akin to those which had paved 
the way of German National Socialism and Italian 
Fascism,, Today, once again, it is Ernst Junger 
who denigrates political and social reality, re¬ 
treating into Nothingnesso The age of aristocracy, 
in which men were ruled by morals, is over, Junger 
says. The rise of the masses has exposed the world 
to the rule of crude force handled by practitioners 
of violence; although the masters of technology 
hold themselves aloof, frightening the totalitarian 
rulers, they will not fight for the values of an 
age that has passed away. Fascist totalitarianism 
has proved that conservative patterns cannot be up¬ 
held by revolutionary means. The evil, then, will 
continue to rule this world. The isolated indi¬ 
viduals who, for the sake of the values of the 
ari'stocratic age, refuse to collaborate have no 
other prospect left but to retreat "into the woods” 
of emotional insulation. Once outside of reality, 
man may overcome the fear of death and rise to 
heroic stature. Martyr or hero, he will set a 
pattern that will conquer the world, for the fate of 
the world hinges on the individual's decision (14), 

The meaning of "inner retreat" can hardly be 
mistaken. The "woodsman" effaces himself before 
the power of evil; he resigns from active life and 
escapes from political reality; he disadvises and 
discourages resistance to enslavement. Is the 
intellectuals 8 and scholars® response to Junger 0 s 
diagnosis, again and again pondered and discussed 
by philosophers, sociologists and students of poli¬ 
tics, a symptom? Is discussion of "nihilism" more 
urgent than concrete study of political phenomena? 


POLITICS IN THE WHITING OF HISTORY 

Fortunately, preoccupation with the meaning of 
history has not obliterated, at least among histori¬ 
ans 9 the urge to study historical events. Consider¬ 
able interest is attracted by the history of the 
historical discipline itself. Not only has the survey 
of the history of history by the late Gottingen 


7 


historian Karl Brandi appeared in a revised edition 
(15); a new hook on the subject has been offered by 
Professor Wagner of the University of Marburg, who 
combines the history of historical science with an 
anthology extending from Hesiod to Max Weber, 
though dealing (for the recent period) mainly with 
Germany (16) 0 While Professor Wagner is chiefly 
concerned with methods and problems, a two-volume 
study--confined to the Modern Age in German*-speaking 
countries—by Heinrich von Srbik (who died last 
year) deals with both the ’’meat” of historical re¬ 
search and the historians® ideologies, marshaling 
perhaps too great a wealth of detail, names and 
titles (17) o Moreover, the book is itself ideology* 

The late biographer of Metternich was not only an 
exponent of that particular brand of ’’historism” 
to which historical manifestations of state power 
meant more than social change; he also was an 
Austrian partisan of ’’Greater-German” solutions, and 
a nationalist of pronouncedly ethnocentric views* 

The present study, which may be considered Srbik 5 s 
last will and testament, still extols the ’’Greater- 
German" ideology, and although nationalism, chau¬ 
vinism and racism are dealt with critically. Nation¬ 
al Socialism is seen as a mere reaction to the 
Versailles Treaty* Of the crucial political prob¬ 
lems of recent German history, all of which were 
not passed over in silence by German historians, 
scarcely any have attracted Srbik*s attention* The 
evolution of ideas appears suspended in thin air, 
tom apart as it is from its social context* 

The age-old predominance of ideas of national 
power and national aggrandizement, which has pressed 
.so heavily on German writing of history and whicn 
still pervades the preparation of study materials 
(18), has only recently been made the subject of 
criticism by recognized and authoritative historians* An 
emphatically critical paper by Gerhard Hitter (19) 
goes so far as to draw up a catalog of essential 
weaknesses of German historiography* In particular. 
Professor Hitter denounces the focusing of histori¬ 
cal interest on the ’’primacy of foreign policy;” the 
emotional rejection of eighteenth century progressive 
thought (which resulted in the peculiar fact that of 
German historians of the last century, ’’practically 
all” were ’’moderate monarchists and semi- 
conservatives”) ; the easy shift from ’’objectivity” to 
naive ’’neutrality” averse to political reality and 
climaxing in nationalist prejudice; and deliberate 
concentration on the study of individuals and indi¬ 
vidual situations to the detriment of social insight, 


8 


enhanced "by haughty contempt for social sciences 
and resulting in the historian® s failure to notice 
and understand the specific problems of modern 
mass societyo While favoring cautious criticism 
of traditional procedures, Professor Ritter is 
wary of too close a proximity to social sciences 0 
He has not grown too fond of centering historical 
research on the analysis of social structures, 
nor is he attracted by the prospect of leaning on 
political science for a frame of reference (20) 0 

Sharply pointed criticism is voiced by the 
Marburg historian Ludwig Dehio, co-publisher of 
the weighty Historische Zeitschrift (21) 0 The 
blind spots of German historical writing are ex¬ 
posed as an heritage of the Ranke tradition 0 Re¬ 
viewing the work of Rankers disciples and followers, 
such as Hans Delbruck, Otto Hintze, Erich Marcks, 
and Friedrich Meinecke, Professor Dehio brings to 
the fore the predominantly imperialist and occasional¬ 
ly pan-German trend in these historians 0 presenta¬ 
tions and interpretations of historical events 0 Ex¬ 
cept for Meinecke, (22) who abandoned the nption of 
Germany® s leadership in European and world affairs 
after the defeat of 1918, this generation never 
changedo These men and their disciples, who practi¬ 
cally held the monopoly of university teaching under 
the Weimar Republic, continued along traditional 
lines, directed a major part of their efforts toward 
refuting the thesis of Germany 0 s responsibility for 
the outbreak of World War I, and nurtured and propa¬ 
gated the hope for a German comeback (23) 0 

Fairly recently, a few authors began discussing 
the chances for dealing with those elements of social 
and economic change which have had such far-reaching 
repercussions on the world 0 s political configuration 0 
It has been ppinted out that this would also call 
for a more serious and comprehensive treatment of 
American history and the United States 0 role in 
international affairs (24) 0 So far this has remained 
a mere desideratum, nor has a visible crop been 
harvested in the writing of social or economic history^ 
dearth of publications in this field remains ostensi¬ 
ble (25)o The only original contribution to the 
socio-political and socio-economic treatment of recent 
history to have come to the attention of the German 
reader is a monumental two-vo,lume study of German 
imperialism prior to 1914 by George W 0 F 0 Hallgarten 
(26), an exiled German scholar who for many years has 
been living in the United States« Completed about two 
decades ago, Dr c Hallgarten 3 s study is the result of 


9 - 



long drawn-out research in government records con¬ 
ducted through the 1920®8, Notwithstanding the 
time lag, it conveys a wealth of information on the 
role of business interests and monopoly groups in 
the formation of German foreign policy under the 
Kaiserreich, suggesting many an avenue of empirical 
research to future historians * 

The economics of German foreign and military 
policy , the naval construction programs of 

the Tirpitz period) have been thoroughly neglected 
by most students of both foreign and domestic poli¬ 
cies (27)o Dr, Hallgarten®s plentiful documentation 
is essentially confined to government sources, Much 
has remained unpublished, and a great deal was des¬ 
troyed during the war 0 Records of banking and inf 
dustrial concerns have not yet been opened up, A 
sizable job still is ahead. The political develop¬ 
ment of the last eighty or one hundred years calls 
for a study of the social forces and, more specifi¬ 
cally, the pressure groups that determined the course 
of German foreign policy. Historians and political 
scientists will find that hard work is waiting for 
them. 


The Hallgarten study may become fruitful in 
many respects. Its very shortcomings and lacunae 
point out how much more empirical data must be 
collected in order to shed light on imperialism®s 
constituent elements and to learn about the motiv¬ 
ations of groups and individuals participating in 
imperialist conflicts. Dr, Hallgarten has refrained 
from making a theory of imperialism precede empirical 
research, nor has he constructed a theory from his 
findings. He was satisfied to assume that the pheno¬ 
mena studied could have been the effects of multiple 
causation! that imperialist political action could 
have been caused by changes in the process of pro¬ 
duction! and that, conversely, economic activities 
could have been changed or directed by political 
influences as the latter secured or improved the 
chances of individuals and groups for achieving 
success in the economic sphere. 

This theoretical open-mindedness signals, in a 
way, a departure from the habitual procedure of many 
historians. From this angle, it is worth mentioning 
that a number of publications display greater concern 
for considering as many contributing factors as possi¬ 
ble than for advancing a well-rounded conception of 
a monocausal historical process. This is particularly 
true of recent attempts to provide manuals oi modern 
history for the use of the general reader, such as, 


10 


©.»£.« > the writings of Professor Herzfeld (28), 
historian (Free University of Berlin), or Dr. 

Franzel (29), political writer and researcher 
(Bavarian State Library). A manual, of course, 
does not necessarily require original research. 

Yet the fact that social, economic and cultural 
developments are emphatically stressed in these 
publications as fundamental components of politi¬ 
cal history, may well influence not only the 
average student's susceptibility to new aspects 
of learning but also the direction of future re¬ 
search (30 J. 

Owing to the last decade's political develop¬ 
ment, there has been increasing demand for more 
historical information concerning the leading 
political powers of today's world. The demand has 
not yet been met, but several publications deserve 
to be listed, as they seek to analyze the histori¬ 
cal course taken by the United States (3l) , the 
Soviet Union f see M Soviet Totalitarianism,” Chapter 
XIV], or international Catholicism (32) . The 
historical roots of political and ideological 
forces molding the shape of today's world and 
national politics have been laid bare in original 
studies of the French Revolution (33) and of revolu¬ 
tionary processes in British society both in the 
seventeenth (34) and the twentieth (35) centuries. 
Occasionally, the reader comes across sporadic 
publications in search of a common denominator of 
social and political developments in modern society 
(36); yet research in the history of modern society 
and its ideologies has not, in general, gone far 
beyond the stage reached by German "classics" of the 
type of Werner Sombart .of Max Weber. It may be 
noted in passing that while the work of Max Weber has 
been receiving increasing interest in American 
political science, no Weber renaissance has thus far 
been discernible in Germany (37). 


BISMARCK REVIVAL 

To the extent that political philosophies inheri¬ 
ted from earlier generations have not passed the test 
of recent history, interest in their background and 
origin makes itself felt, though still on a minor 
scale. Within a narrow range research is conducted 
on the genesis of the nineteenth century political 
system, and a few studies on the emergence of the 
Prussian state structure in the eighteenth century have 
come to the fore. The' historical role of Frederick II 
(38), the contribution of individual social groups 


11 


toward building Prussia 9 s administrative and mili¬ 
tary machine (39), the administrative reforms in¬ 
augurated by Freiherr vom Stein (40), and the begin¬ 
nings of ideological currents preceding independent 
political action on the eve of the rise of political 
parties (4l), were made the subject of research and 
some noteworthy publications» In contrast to older 
writings, early Prussian monarchy is no longer seen 
as a mere superstructure of the army or a "garrison 
state," Social classes other than the Junkers and 
their mercenaries begin to take a more distinct 
shape as the builders and administrators of the 
Prussian state» Here and there recent research 
points to the strong influence of the philosophy of 
Enlightenment on Prussians high officialdom on the 
nineteenth century, The view crystallizes that 
nineteenth-century liberalism was a direct descendant 
of enlightened absolutism and an offspring of bureau¬ 
cracy rather than the child of a nascent capitalist 
bourgeoisie, New evidence has been unearthed and 
will call for the attention of political scientists. 

As traditional liberalism is still looked at 
with misgivings, not much interest has been attracted 
by the history of 1848, neither by the dynamics of 
the revolution nor its failure, Aside from a couple 
of popular publications (42) , few articles in scholar¬ 
ly periodicals deal with the political process, the 
actors or the social background (43) 0 Greater im¬ 
portance is manifestly attached to the decades pre¬ 
ceding the revolution. Some research has been done 
on the relationship between. Romanticism, nationalism 
and liberalism during the 1815-1840 period, when 
libertarian and faintly republican currents emerged 
from the national revival that followed the Napoleonic 
wars, drawing into their orbit large strata of uni¬ 
versity students and academic teachers (44), A number 
of publications exhibit new documentary material illus¬ 
trating various stages in the development of conserva¬ 
tive political groupings and, especially, the role of 
religious currents at the start of conservative party 
politics (45)o Special attention centers on the 
activities of the emphatically conservative group 
("Camarilla") which exerted powerful influence at the 
court of Frederick William IV prior, during and after 
the 9 48 revolution, and which became the kernel of the 
Conservative Party (46) long before Bismarck succeeded 
in imposing upon conservative politics a di-fferent, 
less orthodox course, 

A broader canvas of the history of Conservatism 
is painted m a text written for teachers of history 
by Dr, Schuddekopf (47), one in a series of textbooks 


12 


and outlines prepared by the faculty of Kant-*. 

Hochschule, teachers® training institution in 
Brunswick s in cooperation with the German Teachers 
Union (Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft, 
affiliated with the German Trade Union Federation) 0 
Here the history of the Conservative Party is told 
against the background of shifting power relation¬ 
ships of individual social groups--the Junkers, 
the bureaucrats, the army men--and the transition 
from the advocacy of a feudal and corporative 
society to the contest for power in a mass demo¬ 
cracy is revealed in the portrayal of ideologies 
and leading groups 0 However, Dr„ Schuddekopf fails 
to grasp the essence of the change which took place 
in German politics in the I860®s and 1870®s, break¬ 
ing up the parliamentary predominance of liberal 
parties and laying the foundations of Bismarck® s 
system of political compromise 0 Bismarck®s success 
in governing with the help of precarious, unstable 
or non-existent majorities, his principal success 
on the domestic scene, still needs a key, which will 
open many a secret compartment in the history of 
Bismarckian foreign policy. More often hinted at by 
implication than referred to explicitly, this is the 
major point of interest in the voluminous Bismarck 
literature, which still seems to fascinate the German 
reader 0 

In addition to a new printing of Erick Marcks® 
widely read story of Bismarck®s youth, a sequel to 
which was found and published during the Nazi era 
after the author®s death (48), a number of writings 
dwell upon Bismarck®s formative years (49) „ This 
early period has been given special heed by more 
recent biographers, e u £ 0 , the late Professor Meyer 
(50) „ Ever since Marcks drew attention to Bismarck’s 
conversion from agnosticism to Christianity (only 
outwardly of a Pietist brand), heated discussions 
have revolved around the Weltanschauung of the great 
master of political strategy. The view now seems to 
prevail that religious faith was a remote background 
rather than the guiding star of Bismarck’s politics 0 
It may have inspired a heightened sense of moral obli¬ 
gation but it certainly did not determine Bismarck® s 
political objectives or the underlying philosophy 1 — 
to the extent that there was one 0 

Such is the view recently offered by Professor 
Vossler (5l) „ A similar image emerges from an essay 
by Werner Eichter (52)« The biographer of Frederick III, 
the ’’liberal” Kaiser, X-rays the obvious contradictions 
in Bismarck’s personality structure. To him, they seem 
to stem from the amalgamation of divergent currents in 


13 



family influences and intellectual heritages 
Junker feudalism and violent rejection of the 
French Revolution from the paternal side, clashing 
with the urban and urbane, rationalist, cultured, 
Enlightenment-imbued atmosphere handed down from 
the maternal grandfather, a liberal, Western-minded 
officialo Whether this is enough to explain Bis¬ 
marck’s unhappy, insecure personality and his ad¬ 
diction to the political game--with or without 
principles--may be doubted 0 

Bismarck, Richter contends, was neither a 
nationalist (by nineteenth century standards), nor 
was he a militarist or an imperialist 0 And yet he 
was all of these when engaged in the political game 0 
He hated bureaucracy and dreamed of an idyllic 
Standestaat with plenty of self-government for the 
estates of the realm« And yet he consolidated a 
centralized bureaucratic machine and, through his 
promotion of capitalist expansion, destroyed the 
very elements of the decaying feudal estates * 

The discrepancies between Bismarck 5 s goals 
and his political achievements not very clearly 
brought out by Richter, are extensively commented 
upon by Erich Eyck, a refugee scholar c His Bismarqk 
biography, published in Switzerland several years 
ago (53), continues to provoke discussion 0 The most 
detailed, thoughtful and balanced biography of Bis¬ 
marck written, Eyck’s book causes dissent as it 
"debunks” the Bismarck myth from a consistently 
liberal point of view 0 Eyck has given much thought 
to Bismarck’s domestic policies and his attitude 
toward the majvor political groupings of the period, 
weighing carefully, in particular, the Iron Chan¬ 
cellor’s relationship to liberal groups and parties 
(54)o Various aspects of this complex find their 
reflection in a number of recent publications (55) „ 

To recent writers, Bismarck’s problem of how 
to deal with liberalism appears increasingly as the 
actual background of the Kulturkampf against the 
Catholic Church 0 An unsuccessful attempt to eliminate 
Catholicism as an independent political force, the 
Kulturkanrpf is now seen as part of that parliamentary 
strategy which aimed at freeing the government from 
party pressures 0 As the fight against Catholicism 
failed to meet with the Conservatives’ enthusiastic 
support, Bismarck could not help calling on the 
Liberals for help and assistance 0 This, it is now 
pointed out (56), turned out to be the finishing touch 
in liberalism’s political downfall; for in aiding and 
abetting a policy of suppression and reprisals directed 


14 






at the Catholic minority, the Literals trod on the 
ideals of political freedom and tore to pieces 
their political creed 0 Here an additional ex¬ 
planation may he sought for the decline of the 
literal and republican tradition, a topic of acute 
interest to present day interpreters of German 
history*s political texture 0 Against the back¬ 
ground of this central theme, Bismarck®s fight 
against social democracy has teen attracting little 
interest, and his labor legislation (tut not the 
change it wrought in the structure of German so¬ 
ciety) has teen the subject of just one documentary 
study (57)o 


IMPERIAL TRADITION 

The political development of the Kaiserreich 
after Bismarck attracts scant attention. Only the 
last stillborn attempts at galvanizing literal 
politics, tied up in the last decades of the Imperi¬ 
al era with the names of Max Weber and Priedrich 
Naumann, have again teen discussed in recent times 0 
Naumann stands for two ideological currents! active, 
militant literalism on the one hand, and ®*social 
imperialism ** on the other, a seemingly weird combina¬ 
tion of ’'national®* and "social*' features, often 
viewed as a prelude to Hitler 0 s National Socialism, 

A prophet of social reform, Naumann also was a staunch 
believer in industrial civilization, which he thought 
would quasi-automatically destroy agrarian feudalism 
and Hohenzollern reaction. For the sake of industrial 
progress he advocated colonial imperialism and a con¬ 
tinental Grossraum policy; he conceived both as a 
bridge to the socialist movement rather than a strata¬ 
gem to destroy it. At the turn of the century he exert 
ed considerable efforts to bring about an alliance of 
socialist and liberal forces, A study by Professor 
Conze, the Gottingen historian, exposes with great 
lucidity Naumann°s odd amalgamation of imperialist ex¬ 
pansion and left-of-center liberal politics; his is an 
illuminating epitaph in memoriam of liberalism’s politi 
cal activities within the political framework of the 
Hohenzollern empire (58), 

Aside from this specialized essay, the late period 
of the Kaiserreich has been recalled to life only in 
memoirs of a number of outstanding liberals. Though 
they lived through the period of the Weimar Republic, 
playing important parts in its political and cultural 
life,these men were deeply rooted in the soil of the 
Empire, The story of their lives resuscitates the 


- 15 




political and intellectual aura of the decaying monarchy 
and "becomes a portrayal of trends traceable to the last 
third of the nineteenth century„ In particular, the 
political texture of Imperial Germany, which left its 
indelible imprint on the Weimar Republic, comes to life 
in the autobiographies of four men of Jewish parentage 
born in the 1860*s or early 1870®s, all four exponents 
of liberal idee.ss Eugen Schiffer, 92, high-ranking judge 
and well-known parliamentarian under the Kaiserreich, 
Reich Minister of Justice in the early Weimar days, and 
after 1945 for a while head of the administration of 
justice in the Soviet-occupied part of Germany (59 )5 
Bernhard Guttmann, 81, through many decades one of the 
leading editors of the old Frankfurter Zeitung (60 )5 
Gustav Mayer, who died in £948 at the age of 77, another 
of the Frankfurter Zeitung team, prominent historian of 
German socialism, biographer of Friedrich Engels and 
editor of the papers of Ferdinand Lassalle ( 6 l )5 and 
Emil Herz, 75, four many years head of the Ullstein 
publishing house (62) 0 

The memoirs of these men are easily reduced to a 
common denominator * Contemporaries of Bismarck 3 s Empire, 
they grew up at a time when liberalism, the philosophy 
handed down to them from their fathers, *48®ers, passed 
through its nationalist, imperialist or well-nigh pan- 
German stage, crumbling away at a rapid pace 0 As non- 
baptized Jews, barred from marching down the road of 
aggressive nationalism, they were thrown back on a 
tradition of intransigent liberalism no longer fashion¬ 
able in educated society. Their memoirs, then, recall 
a caste-like society built around a social hierarchy in 
which they were doubly handicapped—as liberals and as 
Jewso Of the four, only Schiffer had the career he had 
aspired for c Herz became a businessman instead of a 
writer,, Guttmann chose journalism as he had no prospects 
in the diplomatic service to which he inclined 0 Mayer 
was barred from an academic career and was refused a 
professorship until after the revolution, although he had 
won.renown as an outstanding scholar long before 1918, 
while going about his daily chores as a foreign corre¬ 
spondent o Meaningfully colored by personal experience, 
the recollections of these men are valuable studies in 
the political history of German society^ they contribute 
greatly towards exploring the latter 0 s bureaucratic and 
caste setup, the prevalence of nationalist, imperialist 
and pan-German ideas among the educated classes, and the 
origin and nature of pre-Nazi antisemitism,, 

Characteristic interest in Imperial Germany 0 s inter¬ 
national relations is displayed in a number of books and 
periodicals 0 Again various aspects of the Bismarck era 
come to light (63) 0 General agreement seems to have been 


- 16 




reached to the effect that Bismarck 0 s foreign policy 
was not motivated hy a particular Weltanschauung „ It 
is emphasized that Bismarck was neither pro- nor anti- 
Russian ( 64)5 that his concern for a genuine "balance of 
powers in Europe was not dictated hy predilection for 
a particular type of alliance ( 65)5 and that his re¬ 
jection of a ’’Greater German” solution of the problem 
of German unity (which would have included Austria) 
showed him free from the ideological longing for a 
universal European ”Reich,” as dreamed of by a number 
of advocates of a German-led Europe of either the 
Romantic Catholic or the pan-German and racist brand(66)« 

While such facts are proven with the help of mani¬ 
fold historical evidence, the tendency towards white¬ 
washing Bismarck’s foreign policy altogether cannot be 
overlooked, In contrast to William II or Hitler, Bis¬ 
marck appears to German scholarly opinion today as the 
keeper of European peace <, Many a scholar exhibits the 
inclination to neglect the imperialist and expansionist 
trends in Germany’s economic and social development (67); 
many a writer tends to forget that it was easy for these 
trends to prevail under the cover of the European balance 
established by Bismarck, and that it was this unstable 
balance and the memory of Bismarckian ’’blood and iron” 
victories which nurtured a philosophy of aggressive 
nationalismo A foreign policy inspired by this philoso¬ 
phy found a readier acceptance the more it had a chance 
to represent itself as a continuation of Bismarck’s 
work, The genuinely Bismarckian origin of German ex¬ 
pansionism, however, vanishes from sight when the im¬ 
pression is created that German imperialism was invent¬ 
ed, as it were, by William II (68) or the Puhrer<, 


WEIMAR POLITICS 

Current literature is marked by almost complete 
absence of research dealing with the Weimar Republic, 
its social forces, its power relationships, or the events 
which led up to National Socialism’s rise to power. 
Memoirs or documentary biographical material again takes 
the place of scholarly work. In this field, the so¬ 
cialist camp is best represented, with the tv/o-volumc# 
memoirs of Carl Severing, who died i,n July 1952, coming 
out at the top (69) 0 Union official and socialist news¬ 
paper editor prior to 1914, Severing held the highest 
positions in the Prussian and Reich governments under 
the Weimar Republic * His story, of an indubitable 
literary quality, is an exhaustive account of his and 
his friends’ political activities, which will serve the 
historian as a reliable source of factual detail.. The 


17 - 



student of politics, however, will he disappointed. 

Only rarely does Severing*s chronicle provide help or 
guidance for whoever would wish to look beneath the 
surface or to identify the social forces behind the 
political events. 

For all its candor, Severing*s narrative leaves 
the ultimate disintegration of the Republic unexplain¬ 
ed and unexplainable. A few points may be stressed. 
Notwithstanding the national disaster caused by German 
society*s susceptibility to extreme manifestations of 
nationalism, it is still taken for granted, in Sever¬ 
ing* s book, that ideas and feelings of national grandeur 
should have taken the primordial place they did in 
German opinion under the Kaiser, and that notions of 
national jeopardy should have prevailed in the Weimar 
era; the support lent by the Social Democrats to the 
Kaiser’s war is enthusiastically approved; the antiwar 
attitude of a socialist minority is viewed with horror 
and abomination; the secret protection given by social¬ 
ist and liberal cabinet ministers under Weimar to illi¬ 
cit rearmanent via the ’’Black Reichswehr” (out of which 
were to emerge the paramilitary organizations (70) of 
the foes of the Republic) is justified; an amazing nar 
ivete is displayed with respect to Nazi techniques of 
domination and mass manipulation. A critical appraisal 
of the Republic’s weaknesses and shortcomings, which 
permitted the ultimate triumph of its assassins, is 
missing. As a personal document Severing’s books of 
memoirs, however, is highly revealing in that it pro¬ 
vides the most authentic material for studying the 
ideological makeup of the pre-1914 generation of Social 
Democratic leadership and officialdom, an indispensable 
key for the understanding of the Republic's social and 
political structure. 

The biographical notes of another socialist Reich 
Minister, Professor Radbrucjh, a student of criminology 
and a philosopher of law, who died in 1949 (7l), are of 
lesser importance. Originally not intended for publi¬ 
cation, Radbruch’s memoirs disclose only a few details 
relative to Weimar politics in the 1920*s, and even 
fewer with respect to socialist and liberal intellectu¬ 
als 0 reactions to life under Nazi rule. Symptomati¬ 
cally enough, Radbruch, whom the Nazis iireci as a 
university professor, was otherwise left practically 
unmolested and continued to publish throughout the Nazi 
era* Seen in retrospect through the eyes of Severing 
and Radbruch, what happened to them in 1933 was that 
they had to retire from public life but were left free 
to live a quiet life, going about their business, meet¬ 
ing old friends and taking trips for pleasure, as though 
Hitler's Third Reich had been on another planet. Surely, 


18 


t,b.ey were surprised and shocked "by what happened around 
them, "but life went on| the reader is not told to what 
extent it was fearridden 0 In these human documents the 
student of politics perhaps will find part of the answer 
to the question as to why there was so little active 
resistance to National Socialism (72). 

He will find more thought-provoking a symposium 
commemorating Julius Leber (,73), socialist editor and 
parlamentarian beheaded by the Nazi executioner in 
1945 (he had been chosen by the conspirators of July 20, 
1944 to become the first Minister of the Interior of 
liberated Germany) 0 Prepared for publication by Leber’s 
friends, the book is,to a large extent, made up of daily 
comment (1921-1933) he had written for his newspaper,, 
Skillfully assembled, these pieces of lucid journalism 
may be considered a sort of history of the Weimar Re¬ 
public in diary form, valuable not only for its every¬ 
day account of political happenings but also for the 
analysis of the political mechanisms involved 0 A 
thoughtful essay is appended which Leber wrote in jail 
in the early days of Nazi terror, and which inquires 
into the changes the ideology and the political and 
psychological structure of the Social Democratic Party 
underwent during the first three decades of this century 0 
Naturally lacking in documentation, this is nevertheless 
a quite unusual addition to the scant literature on the 
sociology of political parties and social movements to 
have appeared thus far 0 More venomously critical but 
not as penetrating an evaluation of certain events and 
trends of the Weimar era, e_ 0 g_ 0 , the ideological and organi¬ 
zational ossification of the socialist movement, will be 
found in a selection from the writings of hurt Hiller, 
exiled left-wing socialist and intransigent pacifist 
living in England (74) 0 

Personal documents of importance have not lately 
come from other political camps 0 A biography of Eugen 
Bolz (75) , one of the top men of the Catholic Center 
Party and a member, later the head of the Wurttemberg 
goverjiment until 1933, is a dry recital of events in 
Bolz’s political life 0 It does not bypass the political 
history of the Weimar Republic--at least in some of its 
major aspects'—but neither doeq it engage in an analysis 
of the driving forces and the mechanisms of Weimar poli¬ 
tics o Full of admiration for his hero, the author re¬ 
frains from any critical evaluation of Bolz°s attitudes 
and deeds, which most of the time were in line with 
the Center Party’s official position, except for the 
fact that, unlike the more widely popular leaders of his 
party, Bolz was profoundly skeptical of parliamentary 
rule and would have preferred a more authoritarian form 
of government 0 No ideological compromise with Nazism 


19 - 


was involved or intended; in fact, Bolz tools an active 
part in the July 20 conspiracy and died on the gallows 
early in 1945. The Biographers uncritical approach 
strikingly manifests itself in the favorable view he 
takes of the Center Party’s vote (in which Bolz, in 
spite of strong misgivings, took part) for the Enabling 
Law that gave the Nazi dictatorship a semblance of 
legitimacy. 

The self-effacement of the Catholic, liberal and 
conservative groups in the face of the Nazi assault on 
the democratic order is the strongest point in Staats- 
sekretar Otto Meissner’s cleverly contrived wide-range 
attempt at vindicating his peculiar role at the service 
of the Nazi government (76). As ’’State Secretary of 
the Reich Chancellery,” i_. e_ 9 , executive assistant to 
the Reich President, Meissner had faithfully served 
under Ebert and Hindenburg, and continued, outwardly un¬ 
perturbed, to serve under Hitler* A widely accepted 
version accuses him of having been the one who engineer¬ 
ed Nazism’s lawful access to power. Meissner categori¬ 
cally denies responsibility for the ’’legalization” of 
Nazi rule, contending that the blame must be borne by 
the middle-of-the-road political groups which enthroned 
Hitlerism by passing the Enabling Law. The political 
suicide of these groups, he emphatically claims, left 
no other way out for high-ranking officials of his type 
but to stay in office and try to-gprevent the worst from 
happening. He m akes himself, moreover, the spokesman 
for many others when he asserts that the non-Nazi 
officials’ tacit opposition to the Hitler regime was 
the only effective one; that participation in resistance 
groups was devoid of political meaning; and that most 
of these groups, whatever they may have claimed after 
Nazism’s collapse, had not exerted any effective 
activity as long as the Nazi dictatorship remained in 
power. 

Meissner’s story, with its multitude of details 
with respect to government activities under the Weimar 
Republic, is fairly typical of the attitude of numerous 
former monarchists who had climbed up the ladder of 
bureaucratic success under the Kaiserreich and later 
made their peace with the Weimar Republic (77). More 
or less loyal in theperformance of their official duties, 
they never grew so fond of the republic that they be¬ 
came fighters for the democratic state or enraged 
adversaries of a dictatorship that pretended to uphold 
the legal order while destroying the foundations and in¬ 
stitutions of the democratic system of government. The 
composition and ideological complexion of Weimar’s 
officialdom has not yet been made the subject of a 


20 - 




reliable study, nor have its connections with other 
social strata been examined 0 Considerable pressure was 
brought to bear on the shaky governments of the Eepublic 
by powerful business interests, which had no trouble in 
engaging the support of certain bureaucratic groups 0 
The mechanisms through which pressure was exerted still 
remain to be studied (78) 0 

Documents recently published on the political acti¬ 
vity of Paul Silverberg, one of the biggest industrial 
tycoons of the period, shed little light on this parti¬ 
cular segment of Weimar 3 s governmental structure 0 Silver¬ 
berg was one of the few men in the councils of heavy 
industry to advocate, at an early stage, labor-management 
cooperationo Though instrumental in promoting the organi¬ 
zational amalgamation of coal and steel, he also firmly 
opposed industrial "gigantomania" and sought to counter¬ 
act the constantly multiplying interlocks of government 
and business; the big industrialists 3 antidemocratic 
plotting was not to his likingo Eegrettably, the intro¬ 
duction supplied by the editor of his papers and speeches 
furnishes no additional information on his political 
role (79). 


THE ORIGIN OF NATIONAL SOCIALISM 

Industry®s role in furthering National Socialism's 
rise to power is subject to controversy, but it fascinates 
students of the period to a lesser degree than does the 
ideological development which sapped the will of the edu¬ 
cated classes to resist National Socialism,, An inter¬ 
esting study by the Munich political scientist, Friedrich 
Glum, a student of constitutional law and a mainstay of the 
Munich Hochschule fur Politische Wissenschaften, dwells 
upon the political importance of the intelligentsia as an 
active factor in framing political decisions or a dis¬ 
illusioned and dissatisfied group which, by the very fact 
of its aloofness or unrest, makes the web of government 
fall apart. The intellectuals 3 acceptance of, or lack of 
resistance to, Hitlerism, Professor Glum insists, must be 
viewed in connection with earlier developments« Much 
earlier, at the outbreak of World War I, Germany 3 s edu¬ 
cated class and especially its youth were swept off their 
feet by a wave of patriotism,, An estrangement of many de¬ 
cades, which had taken Germany's intelligentsia out of the 
Western spiritual community, in the face of immediate 
danger, inspired feelings of national "otherness 33 and a 
belief in a specifically German mission, giving rise to 
aggressions and resentments, which were to last for the 
lifetime of the generation* Furthermore, this should be 
seen in the context of Germany's history as a Lutheran 


21 


country, her imperviousness to Western liberalism and 
humanism, and the heritage of Romanticism (80) e 

Confronted with this tangle of psychological and 
intellectual motives, the sober democracy of the Re¬ 
public failed to evoke ideological or emotional re ta 
sponse among the educated; and as monarchism had become 
sterile and had no integrating ideas to offer, the 
Romanticist philosophy of "Conservative Revolution, M 
merging elements of heroism, asceticism and nihilistic 
contempt for freedom, found widespread acceptance. 

The Republic was rejected as a corrupt system of 
parliamentary rackets "ruled by the Jews', n Ideas 
loaned from the arsenal of French royalism and fused 
with Romanticist conservatism resulted in a mood of 
rebellious destructiveness. Here was an easy prey 
for National Socialist ideologists who from the start 
had maintained intimate contacts with groups of dis¬ 
illusioned intellectuals, especially such believers 
in "Conservative Revolution" as Ernst Junger, Ernst 
Niekisch and Otto Strasser, 

A monograph on the subject by Armin Mohler, a 
young Swiss journalist who studied under Jaspers and 
is associated with the group around Junger, is now 
available (8l), Mohler has assembled literary docu¬ 
mentation within a wide range, listing among the 
nineteenth century forerunners of "Conservative 
Revolution" historical figures of varying complexion, 
such as Friedrich Naumann, the leaders of the Pan- 
German League, the Austrian antisemites Lueger and 
Schonerer, the Social Democrats Georg von Vollmar 
and Paul Lensch, and even Bishop Ketteler, Roman 
Catholic priest inspired by the socialist, Lassalle, 

On this enlarged scale, the history of one idea 
necessarily becomes the history of many; the disparate 
roots of "Conservative Revolution" could be made the 
subject of a politically significant analysis only if 
classified by such groups and currents within this 
multifaceted movement as assumed political stature 
under Weimar, The social background of the ideas 
studied would have to be explored; their political 
effectiveness would require careful investigation, 
semantic analysis and quantitative opinion research* 

As Mohler chose to group the most heterogeneous 
currents of ideas according to their "guiding images," 
he missed the specific importance some of them had in 
furthering the non-conservative revolution of Hitler¬ 
ism, His major contribution is in a bibliographical 
survey rich in detail. 


22 


The social forces which determined the fate of the 
Weimar Republic and the institutional factors which 
speeded up the destruction of the democratic process 
are the focal points of a broader inquiry conducted by 
the Berlin Institut fur politische Wissenschaft„ Some 
preliminary findings have been dealt with in a 
thoroughly documented and highly informative study by 
K 0 D 0 Bracher, (82) historian and political scientist 
Here the groundwork has been laid for a comprehensive 
political analysis of the functioning and the pro¬ 
gressive disintegration of power mechanisms in the 
Weimar state 0 Within the framework of a constant 
broadening of emergency powers by the Presidency of 
the Republic, the gradual emergence of a constitutional 
dictatorship is shown as a prelude to the unrestrained 
rule of the executive under the Hitler government 0 The 
suicidal abdication of both parliament and the politi¬ 
cal parties is to be treated in a later publication 0 
Meanwhile, Dr c Bracher has assembled an impressive body 
of data revealing the operation of instituional mechan¬ 
isms which permitted the Presidency to usurp parliament¬ 
ary powers; his analysis is centered, in this prelimin¬ 
ary publication, on the nefarious role of the Reichswehr 
and its steady Evolution from a small-scale military 
organization into a "state within the state 0 M Further 
publications will deal with the relationship between 
the personnel of republican ins ti tutions e_ 0 £ 0 , the army 
and the bureaucracy, and the various social groups 
whose interplay constituted Weimar 9 s political system,. 

Thus it will be possible to trace the consecutive 
stations on Nazism 9 s road to power* 

As the view prevails that the downfall of the Weimar 
Republic was largely caused by lack of success in the 
conduct of foreign relations, the international situation 
between the world wars has received but little attention,, 
Only a few publications deal with the history of the 
problem of reparations, taking pains to refute legends 
spread by Dr„ Schacht, the former President of the Reichs- 
bank; this in particular was the prime concern of Strese- 
mann's successor, the late Foreign Minister of the Weimar 
Republic, Julius Curtius (83)„ A number of issues re¬ 
mained suspended* Was Hitlerite aggression predetermined 
by the dynamics of German foreign policy before and after 
World War I? Had it grown out of the economy of German 
capitalism with its characteristic social and organization 
al setup? Or was it a mere continuation of "Greater 
German" continental expansionism after other attempts to 
raise Germany to the status of a leading world power had 
failed? A few noteworthy publications on the subject have 
been more in the nature of a program of study rather than 
a definitive analysis (84) 0 / 


23 - 


THE THIRD REICH*S ELITE 


The last two years* literary crop shows no traces 
of research on structure or functioning of Hitlerite 
totalitarianism, or the interplay of social forces 
during the Natipnal Socialist era, A research organi¬ 
zation for the study of the history of National Social¬ 
ism, Deutsches Institut fur die Geschichte der national- 
sozialistischen Zeit, was set up in Munich a few years 
ago but so far it has not submitted noticeable results 
of its research work. Of the output of the Deutsches 
Institut, one book, a writeup of Hitler*s dinner con¬ 
versation in 1941 and 1942, has caused public sensation* 
Said to have been put on paper by express order of 
Reichsleiter Martin Bormann, h^.^ secretary, the Fuhrer' s 
perorations for some time were taken!down in shorthand, 
later written up in detail by Dr* Henry Picker, author 
of the book, who at that time was in charge of civil 
administration at the Fuhrer*s headquarters (85)* The 
publication was supervised by Professor Gerhard Ritter, 
one of the original sponsors of the Munich institute; 
it reproduces the material verbatim , A 220-word note, 
which rectifies a few of Hitler's most stupendous mis¬ 
representations of fact, and a 7,500-word introduction, 
evaluating the authenticity of the transcript, are 
appended—both from the pen of Professor Ritter* 

The Fuhrer* s meandering speeches have been broken 
up by topics and given a semblance of consistency and 
logical coherence* To a critical reader, not misled 
by this editorial improvement, the maniacal nature of 
Hitler's view of world events remains sufficiently pre¬ 
served, nor can any new aspects be detected in the 
collected wisdom of his rambling dinner speeches* Why 
it was deemed necessary to make the stufff accessible 
to the widest audience that could be reached and to 
leave the Fuhrer® s dicta as uncontradicted as they had 
been during his reign is hard to imagine, especially 
in view of the fact that large parts of the book were 
carried in prepublication sequels by a cheap mass- 
circulation magazine* FPofessor Ritter, it is t*rue, 
publicly disapproved of this particular use of the 
material, but he has not suggested a convincing reason, 
why this rehash of Hitlerian platitiudeS, absurdities 
and lies should have been published, and published without 
running comment and rectification* 

In the absence of serious studies, the market is 
flooded with memoirs of high-ranking officials of the 
National Socialist government (66)* Two groups of 
publications may be distinguished* A number of books 
by Third Reich dignitaries were written for no other 
purpose but that of belatedly exculpating the authors* 


24 



Others, not leaving out self-vindication altogether, 
pursue a historical and a political objective--they 
aim at assembling and restating the facts and making 
the officials® and generals® opposition to certain 
facets of Nazi policies appear in an exaggeratedly 
favorable light 0 

In the first group, the whitewashing of the authors® 
past is often mingled with attacks on democracy in gener¬ 
al or the postwar setup of the German government, " a 
tool of the Allies,®' in particular,, Such, 0 , is the 
case with the first head of the Third Reich®s secret 
police, Rudolf Diels (87), who prior to that had been 
a leading official at the service of Prussia®s Social 
Democratic governments 0 After allegedly having fallen 
into disgrace in 1934, Diels continued for many years 
as a high-ranking administrative official 0 He still 
believes in "fighting Communism by authoritarian means," 
seemingly unaware of reiterating one of the oldest 
slogans of Nazi propaganda,. While he disapproves of 
Nazi lawlessness, whatever the Gestapo did at the early 
stages of its terroristic rule appears to him justified 
in the face of the alleged danger of Communist subversion,, 
Diels® story of this early period presents points of 
interest in that it advances a sociological explanation 
for frictions between partisans of National Socialism 
and those officials who "merely followed ordersHis 
appraisal of the bureaucracy taken over from the Weimar 
Republic is all the more devastating as he cannot ima¬ 
gine a different civil-service setup and bel ieves the 
administrators called in by the Western powers in 1945 
to have been by far inferior to their predecessors 0 

A different lesson may be drawn from the recol¬ 
lections of the Third Reich® s most prominent radio 
commentator, Hans Fritzsche (88) 0 Much of what Fritzsche 
has to say is no doubt said in self-defense§ whether all 
he did was to carry out orders issued by Goebbel*s 
Ministry of Propaganda is questionable 0 Yet it seems 
obvious that Fritzsche was neither critical enough nor 
sufficiently trained to grasp the importance or even the 
meaning of what he broadcast„ His previous journalistic 
activity certainly had not p repared him for the job of 
interpreting and unveiling techniques and patterns of 
totalitarian propaganda„ The less he understood what 
his superiors aimed at, the less inhibited and the more 
sincere and effective was his comment 0 Propaganda ana¬ 
lysts will note that a certain naivete on the part of 
the propaganda technician is an invaluable asset to the 
manipulatorso They will also note that totalitarian 
propaganda thrives on misstatements, distortion of truth 
or merely inaccurate reporting on thepart of its ad¬ 
versaries o The reason is simple„ People who cannot 


25 - 


rely on the veracity of antitotal!tarian propaganda, 
in general, will be willing to give the benefit of 
the doubt to a number of statements of fact, in 
particular,. This is what Fritzsche discovered at an 
early date and what increased his usefulness to his 
superiors„ 

To what extent adroit propaganda may becloud im¬ 
portant issues may be seen from the recollections of 
a man. who was among the best-informed officials of 
the National Socialist government, Dr 0 Paul Schmidt, 
chief interpreter of the German Foreign Office (89) 0 
Not only did Schmidt attend most of the decisive 
diplomatic parleys and conferences of the period, 
eagerly imbibing whatever he could pick up from off- 
the-record conversations of the most powerful men of 
the Hitler regime, he was also on the best of terms 
with some of the staunohest anti-Nazis in the diplo¬ 
matic service, which gave him a chance to check his 
facts against information from other quarters. Never¬ 
theless he did not understand, nor has he since 
learned to undprsthnd, the mechanisms of totalitarian 
power politics„ Writing after the defeat of National 
Socialism, with copious notes and records at his 
disposal, Schmidt has not proved able to fill in the 
background, portray the actors or supply the reader 
with a plausible guess as to their motives and aspi¬ 
rations, as to what "made them click*" Schmidt’s 
detailed history of German foreign policy through 
two decades explains nothing„ The impression obtained 
is that the highest career officials, who faithfully 
served the Nazi rulers without ever having subscribed 
to the National Socialist creed, neither knew nor 
tried to find out more about the nature of the totali¬ 
tarian system than was elementary to the "man in the 
street*" These diplomatic experts remained as 
ignorant of politics as they had been when they swore 
allegiance to the dictatorship, after having taken 
an oath to uphold the Constitution of the Weimar 
Republic„ 

Many more documents of the basically non-political 
outlook of men in high positions have come off the 
printing press„ This applies to the story of Otto 
Abetz (90), Hitler’s ambassador to France, as it does 
to a less stereotyped book by Count Schwerin von 
Krosigk (9fc), scion of the landed aristocracy and a 
man unshakable in his conservative convictions, who 
Served the Nazis as Reich Minister of Finance„ Schwerin 
has chosen not to bore the reader with the usual plea 
in defense; instead, he has penned literary drawings 
of men who had crossed his way in the higher regions of 
government and politics under Weimar or under Nazism* 


26 - 


Criticizing or praising what others did or did not do, 
he hands out moral verdicts on standards of political 
"behavior without having to discuss, on its merits, the 
dubious part that had been his to play, The upper 
classes 5 attitude towards the National Socialist re* 
gime comes out in bold relief, Different criteria of 
guilt seem to apply to sins of omission according to 
the person or persons involved, Franz von Papen is 
severely censured for having remained in office for a 
short while after his personal aide had been slain, 
but it seems to have been all right for Count Schwerin 
to have kept his position for twelve years after 
scores of people he had known, liked and respected had 
been “Liquidated“--no personal aide of his was among 
those killed. 


RESISTANCE IN RETROSPECT 

Count Schwerin never joined any of those re¬ 
sistance groups, participation in which meant death on 
the gallows to a number of his personal friends and 
political associates. What ethical standards were at 
the base of this tacit acceptance of wholesale murder? 

Was not the one who kept silent an accessory before 
the fact? What strange reversal of political convictions 
and moral beliefs had taken place among the traditional 
upholders of truly “Prussian” virtues, as embodied in 
the principles of government by law, dignity of office 
and acceptance of individual responsibility? A number 
of Third Reich dignitaries and officials not only did 
join resistance groups but also took the risk of en¬ 
gaging in dangerous, often “treasonable,“ resistance 
activity. But even their memoirs leave the burping 
political questions open. Several authors may be citeds 
e_.£, , the head of the foreign service, Ernst von Weiz- 
sacker (92), whose last job at the service of the Nazi 
government was the ambassadorship to the Vatican, where 
he used every opportunity to counter his government 5 s 
official foreign policy; the head of Foreign Minister 
Ribbentrop’s secretariat, Erich Kordt (93), who, in 
cooperation with his brother, ranking official 6f the 
German Embassy in London, betrayed state secrets to the 
British in order to prevent war, and conspired with a 
number of rebellious generals for an overthrow of the 
Nazi dictatorship; the military attache in Italy, Enno 
von Rintelen (94), who plotted with the Italians and 
German army men in order to sabotage Hitler 5 s conduct 
of military operations. The spme is true of the organi¬ 
zer of the German counter-intelligence, Admiral Wilhelm 
Canaris, who,as a victim of Nazi “justice,” did not live 
to write memoirs but whose biography by one of the con¬ 
spirator associates is available in print (95). 


27 


Most of these men had started out as army or navy 
officers under the monarchy. They had been and remained 
firm believers in the blessings of Hohenzollern rule. 

They served the Weimar Republic and mostly did a good 
job of it, but the democratic system of government failed 
to appeal to them; at best they accepted it on sufferance 
as the lesser evil* The very notion of opposing Hitler* 
ism's seizure of power would have seemed absurd; Hitler’s 
government was the legal government of the Reich 0 Still, 
these men really did believe in law and order„ For all 
their confessed lack of interest in politics and apparent 
lack of political judgment, they did make the discovery, 
in the early days of Hitlerism, that Nazi "legality" was 
a mere sham and that), moreover, Nazi policy inevitably 
conjured the danger of war ( This turned them into de¬ 
termined opponents of the Nazi system,. 

However, not one of these "anti-Nazis" gave up posi¬ 
tion or career * Later, I when ,'they came to plot and con¬ 
spire against the Nazi regime, it was not out of basic 
disbelief in dictatorship nor in defense of democracy. 

What they were against was just one or the other "insane" 
exponents of the Party they despised, or this or that 
particularly bellicose aspect of the Nazis 5 foreign poll** 
cy. (96) The recollections of these men are detailed, 
sober, conscientious, and full of factual information which 
will help the historian find his way through the maze of 
records and eyewitness accounts. Their value to the poli¬ 
tical scientist, however, is in the self-portrayal of an 
influential social group which belonged to the governing 
elite of the Kaiserreich, the Weimar Republic, and the 
Third Reich. Though not admitted to the inner sanctum of 
the Nazi Party's ruling hierarchy, this group was never 
completely barred from influencing policy decisions. Its 
ideological makeup, unintentionally revealed in personal 
documents, explains a great deal about the downfall of the 
Republic, the irresistibility of the Nazi dictatorship, 
and 'the bureaucratic tradition handed down to postwar 
Germany's governing groups. 

b is this environment that supplied the most active 
participants--outside of organized labor--in the anti- 
Nazi^ conspiracies on the eve of and during World War II, 
conspiracies which repeatedly were on the point of succeed¬ 
ing but failed again and again (97). Did they fail just 
because the totalitarian system was too well protected? 

Or is there another—maybe a deeper--reason to be sought 
in the conspirators' background and social connections. 
and the ties that bound them to many pillars of the system 
and certain elements in its ideology. Even in the case of 
those among the conspirators whose genuinely democratic 
convictions cannfct.be doubted (98), only little evidence 


28 




has come to light as to the sociological and psycho¬ 
logical reasons for that widespread passive endurance 
of evil "which permitted the evildoers to gain absolute 
power and keep it c 

Oddly enough, the problem receives scarcely any 
attention in scholarly publications; it is by and large 
neglected by sociologists and political scientists,, 

Some light, however, is shed on the enigma by fiction 
writers. Thus, the ideological and psychological com¬ 
ponents of the German educated classes’ political (or 
non-political) attitude have found a colorful expres¬ 
sion in a documentary novel, selling by the tens of 
thousands, by Ernst von Salomon (99), himself a typical 
representative of that generation which came out of 
World War I disillusioned and full of contempt for 
moral and political values. Thirty years ago Ernst von 
Salomon had taken part in an; anti-Weimar conspiracy 
which resulted in the assassination of Foreign Minister 
Walther Rathenau, industrialist, philosopher and writer. 

To Salomon and his comrades-in-arms, precursors of 
virulent Nazism, Rathenau personified democratic ideals, 
Western leanings and ’’corrupting Jewishness.” Today 
Salomon, talented novelist, neither victimized nor parti¬ 
cularly furthered in his career by the National Socialist 
system, excels in exposing the weaknesses, the moral 
disintegration and the ideological chaos of the days of 
the Weimar Republic; he also has packed into many 
fascinating pages the climate of oppression and passivity 
which enveloped people's minds under Nazi terror. 

And yet the emotional appeal of his writing does not 
hit at the crime of. his youth or the crimes committed 
through twelve years of horrors by those with whom he had 
been closely associated for many years. The Allied 
occupation policies are the true target of his attack. 
Foolishness and lack of discretion were not infrequent 
among occupation officials in the early postwar years, and 
to one who has a special gift for painting stupid brutal¬ 
ity, stubborn vengefulness and the fatality of red tape, 
to deride the absurdities o f the reign of the ’’question¬ 
naire” is an easy job. Salomon certainly does know.his 
public, and he Knew how to hit the mark. His novel(s 
success, seen in connection with content and emotional 
bias, mercilessly diagnoses the mental condition of the 
readers, the bulk of the educated classes. 

Another fictional report, dealing with the same 
cluster of problems, by Hans Carossa (100), poet practis¬ 
ing medicine, has ostensibly failed to win public acclaim; 
this, too, is a symptom. Carossa, who prior to 1933 had 
been courted by Nazi intellectuals and whom the Nazi 
government sought to use as a propaganda asset, has mustered 


29 


enough, intellectual honesty not to by-pass in silence 
nor to falsify the stages of his career under the Nazis 0 
His unambitious account of the years preceding and 
those following the triumph of Hitlerism is the story 
of deliberate escape from reality and from the moral 
duty to resisto Carossa does not whitewash the horrors 
of Nazi savagery nor the shamefulness of not having 
spoken aloud 0 Told sotto voce in a filigreed prose, 
the recital of his uneventful days as a doctor healing 
wounds and a literary figure in the limelight of public 
honors reveals the mechanisms of totalitarian manipula¬ 
tion of the collective mind more pointedly than does 
many a political pamphlet 0 Carossa®s story pins down 
the responsibility of those who have survived while at 
the same time exposing the danger of a relapse 0 Politi¬ 
cal and scholarly periodicals,which would seriously 
discuss the validity of Salomon®s criticism of the 
democratic process, offer no comment on Carossa®s 
diagnosis of non-resistance 0 


STUDY OP MILITARISM 

While the structure of the Nazi government and the 
society of National Socialism remain outside of the 
realm of scholarly pursuits, one particular aspect of 
the Nazi system holds the center of the stage 0 No other 
problem of the Hitler era has been given as much atten¬ 
tion in scholarly publications as the dictatorship® s 
efforts to build an invincible army and the failure of 
these efforts in the fury of the war the Nazis lost 0 
Nowhere else has such a serious endeavor been notice¬ 
able as the one to tie up what came to pass under 
National Socialism with the long-range course of the 
historical process 0 No generalized study of war and 
militarism has been written, and only a few publications 
deal with technological or sociological aspects of war 
(lOl)o The specific study of the German army and 
German militarism, however, is conspicuously in the 
foreground, 

The organizational setup of the armed forces and, 
in particular, the organization of the High Command 
have been diligently explored, A remarkable contribu¬ 
tion to the study of the relationship between the army 
and the government came from the late Tubingen histor¬ 
ian, Rudolf Stadelmann, in a rediscovery of political 
and ideological elements in the personality of the older 
Moltke (102), In contrast to a popular view, Professor 
Stadelmann showed Moltke®s political thinking to have 
originated in pre-®48 liberal ideologies. Only at a 
later date did nationalist elements—the concept of a 


30 




national war—come to merge with the great military 
commander®s political ideas 0 Moltke thus appears as 
part and parcel of a more general phenomenon, literal¬ 
ism’s lapse into nationalism and, as a last resort, 
pan-Germanism* Out of this political philosophy, which 
was not Bismarck®s, a series of conflicts arose, bring¬ 
ing to grips the General Staff, Moltke®s creation, and 
the civilian government, Bismarck®s ingeniously con¬ 
structed machinery of domination,, Here begins the 
history of the German armyr as a '’state within a state” 
and an organization aiming at political goals and 
using extreme nationalism as a propaganda weapon 0 

The history of the army or, to he exact, of its 
General Staff as a political factor is reexamined by 
Walter Gorlitz, prolific writer who knows how to har¬ 
ness his sources and condense a huge body of data* 

His study of the General Staff from its early begin¬ 
nings in seventeenth century Prussia to its latest 
debacle in 1945 (103) is the first noteworthy attempt 
at presenting a coherent view of the army® s role in 
society, supported by illuminating, though summary, 
data on the social background of the army® s generals 
and the personnel of the General Staff 0 The conflict 
between military and civilian leadership, which Bis¬ 
marck by-passed rather than solved in an institutional 
compromise fitting his stature (but no other man®s), 
once more came to a climax in the course of World War 
I, As a result, governmental powers were simply 
taken over by the army command (Ludendorff)„ 

The development which led up to this denouement, 
at the expense of civilian government and parliament, 
has been dealt with in a recent essay by Professor 
Hitter (104) 5 and Professor Herzfeld has analyzed the 
implications, which predetermined the relationship 
between the military and the government of the Weimar 
Eepublic (l05) o Professor Herzfeld dwells in parti¬ 
cular on the gulf that separated the officer corps of 
the Republic®s army from the popular masses? the 
insulated position of the army command rendered the 
military leaders defenseless when they were faced with 
Hitler®s insistence on absolute obedience, the more 
so as the Nazi Party succeeded in causing deep dis¬ 
unity among various army officer groups* The younger 
officers, (e 5 Guderian and Rommel), convinced of 
the importance of technological warfare, sided with 
Hitler against the older leadership of the Army, whom 
they considered too conservative 0 Actually they 
helped the Party leadership to undermine the authority 
of the ranking "reactionary caste*•* Victory over the 
generals then was easy when Hitler assumed the direction 
of military operations during the war, 


31 


How the political defeat of the generals affected 
the prosecution of the war is the question implicit in 
all historical studies dealing with military events of 
1939—1945o Several such studies attracted attention 
in recent years* The first documented large-scale 
history of military operations in World War II, with 
much previously undisclosed data relative to naval war¬ 
fare, the invasion of Norway, and the Operation Sea 
Lion, which never materialized, came from Vice Admiral 
Kurt Assmann, formerly Chief Historian, German Naval 
Command (106) * From the point of view of the army, the 
subject was treated last year hy General Kurt von 
Tippelskirch, a man who had risen from the ranks in 
World War I, directed General Staff research on foreign 
armies during the Nazi period, and held an army command 
in World War II* Tippelskirch 3 s documentation was 
gleaned from official records as well as from personal 
information supplied hy scores of commanders and staff 
officers (l07) 0 Both Assmann and Tippelskirch bitterly 
criticize what they consider to have been Hitler 3 s 
amoral and insane policy; they are, however, no less 
critical of the Western democracies; they display obvi¬ 
ous distaste for military men who plotted against 
Hitler; they disregard the facts of social and economic 
life; in line with tradition, they are averse to demo¬ 
cratic ideas* 

An informative additional study has been supplied 
by the military historian, Helmuth Greiner, a staff 
member of the Eeichsarchiv who was commissioned to edit 
the operational war diary of the Wehrmacht High Command 
during the 1939-1943 period (108)* Having preserved a 
large part of his files and notes, Greiner tells the 
inside story of military decisions, stressing again the 
permanent conflict between the Fuhrer and his generals* 
This theme, of course, is omnipresent, too, in the 
first two-volume history of the war by Walter Gorlitz 
(109), biographer of Freiherr vom Stein and historian 
of the General Staff (v* supra ) c For an over-all wide- 
range picture of World War II Gorlitz 3 s study provides 
a valuable guide, commendable for its realistic approach* 
The author, who is not a general, is fully aware of the 
fact that modern war is a war of production 5 and realizes 
the role of politics in the conduct of war* To a certain 
extent, however, the wealth of detail obscures the view* 
Many data relative to war production have been inserted, 
but there is no comprehensive discussion of the inter¬ 
dependence of supplies, food and armament* Organized 
chronologically, the study is broken by special chapters 
on the air force and the navy, at the expense of clari¬ 
ty* However much the author strives to be 3, objective 
the avowed intention of writing the operational history 


32 



of the war ’’for the sake of regaining our sovereignty” 
has led him astray; political statements of a national¬ 
ist tinge have heen thrown in for good measure. The 
social structure of the Nazi system and its army has 
not "been given adequate attention; denying heavy industry’s 
responsibility for the war and its prosecution, Gorlitz 
has omitted analysis of the political responsiblities 
involved, 

The relationship between the Nazi leadership and 
the high command is the central theme of a number of 
personal documents. Among the many publications issued 
in recent years (llO), two books merit particular atten¬ 
tion, Friedrich Hossbach, chosen by the army command in 
1934 to serve as military aide to the Fuhrer, a job he 
kept until 1938, has written a book of memoirs which tells, 
with lurid details, of many conflicts and disputes between 
the generals and Party dignitaries in the years in vrhich 
the Eeichswehr of the Eepublic was gradually built up to 
the fantastic size of the later Wehrmacht (ill). From 
the original non-political acceptance of the Nazis as the 
lawful rulers, the army gradually passed to a hesitant 
opposition, only temporarily stifled in 1938 when Hitler 
decided to take over, Hossbach shows the vacillation of 
the ranking generals, the absence of a clear political 
line, the constant conflidt between the will to rearm 
(with the help of the Party leadership) and the fear of a 
premature war (because of rash and inept conduct of for¬ 
eign affairs by the Party and its Fuhrer), A plausible 
psychological explanation of the generals’ inability to 
take decisive steps is offered, 

A different literary technique is applied by Lieuten¬ 
ant General Heusinger, of the Operational Division of Army 
Headquarters (1937-1944), a participant in the military 
conspiracy, who escaped by a hairbreadth from being killed 
by the bomb of July 20, 1944 (112) . His analysis of the 
army mind is presented in fictional dialogues between 
various types of army people and Nazi supporters. Diver¬ 
gent points of view, crystallized in crucial situations, 
have the ring of truth in this literary account of a 
general who combines sociological insight with psychologi¬ 
cal depth, The analysis will be of help for an appraisal 
of the past no less than for an understanding of the 
present, 


33 


REARMAMENT AND FOREIGN POLICY 


Discussion of the history and the structure of the 
armed forces and their role in politics has gone far 
"beyond the stage of academic speculation 0 Germany to¬ 
day faces the problem of building a new army, and the 
literary zeal of the generals .flows from an immediate 
interest in the future military organization» Oppor¬ 
tunities for military men are discussed by both violent 
opponents of the present system of government (113) and 
former army leaders who have turned democrats (ll4)„ 

For the first time army commanders and staff officers 
ponder the chances of a military organization of the 
type of a ’’civilian army” made up of and run by civil¬ 
ians,, Outstanding in this respect is a contribution 
by Adelbert Weinstein, former Major, General Staff, 
now on the editorial staff of Frankfurter Allgemeine 
Zeitung „ (115) Changes in military technology and in 
political conditions of warfare are discussed and con¬ 
flicting views of a number of army men presented in 
extenso 0 The importance of mass support at a time when 
the effectiveness of military organization depends on 
supplies is emphasized 0 In the face of the ’’cold war” 
Weinstein considers political awareness (’’psychological 
warfare”) more important by far than a mere military 
machine (possibly evading civilian control)* 

Discussions about the future of a German army can¬ 
not be conducted in the abstract„ The conduct of for¬ 
eign policy will decide about the task assigned to 
the military* Debate on foreign policy has been heated 
and on a broad range 0 Professor Eothfels pointed out 
last year that international relations nowadays must 
be viewed in the context of social forces determining 
the domestic policy of individual countries* Social un¬ 
rest, he said, increased the ranks of Soviet partisans 
in democratic countries; it was good foreign policy to 
counteract it (116)* A less unambiguous position is 
taken by Wilhelm Wolfgang Schutz, author of two books 
on foreign policy (117), who advises the German public 
to give more thought and think more clearly about the 
political, demographic and economic foundations of for¬ 
eign policy, but fails to supply the analysis he recom¬ 
mends* Schutz concludes that Germany should seek to 
establish a new balance of power by promoting a pro- 
Western European federation, which then would be in a 
position to tip the scales, 

A sociological analysis of the present world situa¬ 
tion or the over-all problems of international relations 
has been missing* It is interesting to note that Carl 
Schmitt, who for many years provided the Nazi government 
with a ’’decisionist” philosophy of government and inter¬ 
national law, should be the only one to review the 


34 





history of international relations in the light of a 
sociological interpretation (118) 0 According to Schmitt, 
international law in modern history, practically con- 
fined to ius publicum Europaeum , left the non-European, 
i_ 0 e_ 0 , the colonial, non-capitalist territories outside 
of its realm for the very reason that it was merely the 
expression of an established, though unstable, balance 
of power. The conclusion is implicit in his theory 
that Europe's traditional balance came to an end when 
World War I broke out and that the very foundations of 
international law were thus dismantled,. New "lines of 
friendship" should be drawn for regulating international 
relations, but how they should be drawn is left unsaid„ 

Other recent publications dealing with the funda¬ 
mentals or the history of international law tend to dis¬ 
regard the social context, and lean heavily towards 
concepts derived from natural law (119) (often in a 
Catholic interpretation)o A number of studies discuss 
specific legal aspects (120) 0 Little attention is given 
to economic problems of international integration(l21) 0 
Changes in techniques and methods of international nego¬ 
tiations are discussed in a colorful, largely journalis¬ 
tic, survey by Professor Hans von Hentig of Gold Hill, 
Colorado, now teaching in Bonn (122) 0 Much interest, of 
course, has been attracted by the postwar history of 
international relations and recent developments in inter¬ 
national law, especially inasmuch as they affected 
Germany's legal and political position; there was much 
newspaper writing, but only a few documentary studies 
(l23j and infrequent attempts at a broader analysis (124) 
are of intrinsic value 0 

Germany 9 s postwar relations with individual countries 
are dealt with here and there„ Documentary studies pre¬ 
vail, mostly centered on problems of the day (l25) 0 
German postwar attitude towards the United States and 
England is the subject of a comprehensive bibliography 
(126)o As Germany is about to resume her place in 
international politics, the problem of rebuilding the 
foreign service, badly discredited by Nazism's abuse of 
diplomacy and diplomatic prerogatives, has been at the 
center of public controversy,, Whereas discussion in the 
daily press revolved around Nazi-tainted personnel 
selected to serve in the first skeleton organization of 
the future Foreign Office, expert opinion was far more 
preoccupied with the basic objectives of diplomacy and 
issues of organization (l27)„ 

The problem of Soviet-German relations naturally 
attracts special interest„ The development of Soviet- 
German relations between two world wars has been treated 
in memoirs and specialized studies (128) 0 New information 


35 




has been forthcoming on the origin of the Hitler-Stalin 
pact and the ulterior trend of Soviet-German relations 0 
People connected with the German Foreign Service have 
told their version of what happened between 1939 and 
1941, as seen from Berlin (129; and other strategic 
points (130)o Research on the genesis of Russia’s 
postwar policy was paralleled by inquiries into the 
consecutive stages of the postwar development (l3l)c 

Russia’s attitude is necessarily the master key to 
German foreign policy 0 Ever since the establishment of 
the Federal Republic there has been increasing contro¬ 
versy around the basic orientation of Germany’s foreign 
affairs« Western Germany’s outspoken adherence to the 
bloc of democratic powers, and the obvious intention of 
the Soviet Union not to abandon the territory it holds 
under the Potsdam agreement, have made the chances of 
Germany’s reunification dwindle to near zero 0 As a 
consequence, there has been growing protest against 
the Bonn Federal Republic’s integration within the 
Western bloc, coupled with insistent clamor for a for¬ 
eign policy reversal„ It was argued that Germany could 
and should stay out of the world conflict, maintaining 
absolute neutrality in her relations with both the 
East and the West 0 

A neutralist movement began to attract the sympathy 
of various social and political groups 0 Originators of 
the movement were more or less conservative-minded in¬ 
tellectuals around the so-called ’’Nauheimer Kreis” 
headed by Professor Ulrich Noack, a historian (132) 0 
The group denied any predilection for Soviet totalitari¬ 
anism, but the manifest support it was given by Eastern 
Germany’s Soviet-controlled government and the naivete 
with which favors of East German authorities were 
accepted aroused suspicion and distrust (133) 0 Mean¬ 
while, other ideological elements had begun to creep 
into the ’’neutralist” debate 0 Neutrality of a unified 
Germany and a unified Europe were viewed as an antitoxin 
to threatening ’’Americani zationIt was assured that 
the Soviet bloc was interested in a neutralized rather 
than a Sovietized Europe, and that alliance with the 
West would therefore increase the danger of war (134). 

Sogn another version was injected into the debate 0 
A number of political personalities originally close to 
the Bonn government, such as Gustav Heinemann (135) , former 
Federal Minister of the Interior, turned against Western 
policies on pacifist grounds 0 They were supported by 
Martin Niemoller (l3pj, head of the Evangelical Church in 
Hesseo A momentous pacifist movement seemed to be emerg¬ 
ing 0 

\ 

\ 

\ 

\ 


- 36 


At the same time political groups of a different 
shade joined in c Partisans of an ’’independent*’ and 
’’strong” Germany came to swell the ranks of ’’neutral¬ 
ists /’claiming that a truly independent Germany, 
once given arms and ammunition and freed from pernici¬ 
ous Western influences, would he in a position to 
drive Communism out of Europe and save Western civili¬ 
zation 0 Among the exponents of this attitude, clearly 
reminiscent of Hitler’s defense of European civiliza¬ 
tion through German rearmanent, one may mention 
General Guderian (137) and a group of writers and 
scholars gathering around the periodical, Zeitschrift 
fur Geopolitik (138) 0 The purportedly neutralist 
position of this group has little to do with pacifism,, 
Its spokesmen argued that no revolutionary turn of 
events was to he expected in Bussia-, that, once appease¬ 
ment had failed, the danger of Soviet expansionism 
could he banned only hy force of arms (preventive war 
was hinted at), and that it was Germany’s historic 
mission to prepare for an all-out offensive (139). 

This type of discussion, which draws into its or¬ 
bit scholarly opinion and serious-minded periodicals, 
is nurtured hy a still noticeable predisposition for 
’’geopolitics 0 ” Geopolitics, to he sure, is no longer 
as fashionable as it was in the days of the Third 
Eeich; sometimes the term stands for political geo¬ 
graphy pure and simple, without an expansionist accent, 
Publications untainted hy imperialist bias may he 
listed, e_ 0 £o , a posthumous manual of political geo¬ 
graphy hy Albrecht Haushofer, who was slain hy order 
of a Nazi court although he was the son of Karl Haus¬ 
hofer, originator of the imperialist version of geo¬ 
politics and an early inspirer of Nazi imperialism. 

This torso of promising work is a thoughtful and well- 
pondered study of the interrelation of geographical 
and political factors and, especially, the variable 
interdependence of political institution, climatic 
conditions and geographical developments (140) 0 
Another deserving contribution to the study of the 
geographic framework of politics deals with the inter¬ 
action of economic resources, the mode of production 
and the basic direction of human activity (l4l) 0 

With the exception of these works o f genuine 
scholarship, however, geopolitical publications reveal 
heavy traces of political ideology,. Some books connect 
political geography with ethnic or racial doctrines; 
the freedom-centered structure of political institutions 
in V/estern Europe and the lack of freedom in Eastern 
Europe and Asia are imputed to perennial laws of the 
geographic ”space 0 ” (142) By implication, political 
systems appear determined by geographic conditions and 


37 




therefore not susceptible to change. Whereas the West 
is given to freedom, the East is given to faith, argues 
another author, once associated with philosophers of 
"Conservative Revolution 0 M He concludes that a special 
task devolves upon Europe, that of wedding freedom to 
faith (143 )0 How the marriage should be contrived re¬ 
mains undisclosed. Certain inferences,however, impose 
themselves. A book first printed during the Nazi era 
reappears, recommended as a textbook and disseminating 
a "scientific” theory to the effect that "Germanic" 
peoples have an assured political future whereas nations 
less favored by geopolitical fate are exposed to passive 
endurance of higher civilizations (144) 0 Germanic 
peoples again are assigned the mission of liberating the 
world. 

The reappearance of racist and imperialist "science" 
pretending to accuracy and scholarly merits assumes poli¬ 
tical significance, notwithstanding the fact that books 
and studies on geography and politics without ideological 
implications are not prevented from appearing; even the 
choice of areas studied, whether the selection be due to 
the writers or the readers, is not devoid of political 
meaning. The areas particularly in evidence today are 
identical with those which early geopolitics considered 
the "colonial space" for the expansion of nations of 
higher civilization, i_.e_. , Southeastern Europe (145) or 
South Asia and North Africa (146)„ There is speculation 
on the part of some whether this is mere coincidence. 

Attentively pondered by scholarly opinion and uncon¬ 
tested by political experts, geopolitics provides the 
ideological basis for those reemerging nationalist trends 
which are commonly regarded as manifestations of "neo- 
Nazism." True, the noise of avowed neo-Nazis (147) need 
not be taken too seriously. Yet whenever nationalist 
propaganda takes on the appearance of scientific analysis 
of military and political trends, political scientists 
have a job to do. Pseudo-scientific pronouncements are 
frequent in the aforementioned Zeitschrift fur Geopolitik . 
which, discontinued when Nazism collapsed, resumed publi¬ 
cation last year (148). Homage is paid to pro-Nazi 
collaboration!sm in foreign countries while democratic 
governments abroad are made the subject of violent criti¬ 
cism (149). An antisemitic trend creeps up, for instance 
in connection with expressions of friendship for Germany®s 
longtime allies, the Arabs; (l50) keeping in mind the 
scholarship put on display,due caution, of course, is 
observed--something poets and writers do not have to 
bother about (l5l). 


38 



Science is sure to "be called upon when technology 
and strategy of modern warfare come up for discussion, 

A military periodical was launched in 1951 for the 
innocuous exploration of problems of "European Security 
(152)Meanwhile, it has become the official gazette 
of Hitler's generals 9 The masthead has been changed, 
and the magazine now flaunts that famous Wehrwissenschaft 
which faithfully served both Hitler and the generals who 
did not like him (153) , Politicalized "science" has the 
ear of the public; no genuine scholarship concerned with 
the analysis of political reality takes it to task. 


IDEAS AND IDEOLOGIES 

There is no need to count neo-Nazi ideologies among 
contributions to political philosophy. But it is not 
always as easy to tell ideology from political philosophy, 
nor can a boundary line be drawn to differentiate between 
a consistent ideological system and a study of ideologies, 
which is the proper concern of political science. No sur¬ 
vey of political science will grasp the essential trends 
unless political ideas and the critique of ideas are in¬ 
cluded o 

When the German scene is reviewed, the absence of 
socialist systems of political philosophy--in a country 
where every third voter casts a socialist ballot— is 
striking. Only economic problems are occasionally dealt 
with from a socialist point of view; political philosophv 
then is reduced to blueprints for economic planning (154), 
Aside from such treatises on socialization, only unortho¬ 
dox socialist views, have been expounded, verging on a 
libertarian or semi-anarchist philosophy (155). Many 
writings have appeared in the liberal camp, mostly ex¬ 
pressing opinions of the "neo-liberal" school; their philo¬ 
sophy of personal freedom no longer requires full freedom 
from government interference in the economic sphere. 
Writings by Professor Eopke (156) , who teaches in Geneva 
but is a frequent visitor to Germany, and Professor Bohm 

S 157) of Prankfurt,have been the most widely discussed 
158), 


Publications expounding a Catholic philosophy of 
politics and social life presumably hold the record. 
Systematic presentation of the Catholic point of view, 
sometimes assuming the stature of an encyclopedic presenta¬ 
tion of the Catholic doctrine on government, social legis¬ 
lation, economic order, etc, (159), alternates with dis¬ 
cussion of individual aspects of Catholic social philosophy 
(l60). Several publications have come from the Conserva¬ 
tive current of political Catholicism (l6l), occasionally 


39 



implicitly or explicitly pro-monarchist (162), in some 
instances aggressively polemical vis-a-vis the liberal 
shades of Catholic opinion (163) 0 Specifically 
Lutheran approach to social and political problems has 
been less in evidence (l64) 0 A non-denominational con¬ 
servative philosophy, with a monarchist slant (165) , 
finds its expression in a number of writings centering 
on the history of ideas, particularly from the pen of 
Professor Schoeps 0 

Considerable interest is attracted by the study of 
ideological currents both in an historical view and in 
regard to their effectiveness in presentday social move¬ 
ments o A prominent place is occupied by the evolution 
of ideas in the nineteenth century 0 To some writers the 
concept of revolution appears as the central dynamic 
feature of nineteenth century thinking (166) „ Others 
are fascinated by the feejifhg of doom pervading the 
thinking of mid-century conservative philosophers who 
distrust progress, deny the perfectibility of mankind, 
and despair of the preservation of Christian, conserva¬ 
tive values threatened by the spread of revolutionary 
movementso (167) The study of conservative ideas—apart 
from the history of the Conservative Party in Prussia 
(v 0 supra) --has dealt with the conservative philosopher 
of law, Friedrich Julius Stahl (168), on the one hand, 
and the peculiar shift from conservatism to Bonapartism, 
on the other (l^B )o 

The origins of modern democratic thought, as detect¬ 
ed by, a number of writers in the philosophy of Jean- 
Jacques Rousseau, have been treated from divergent points 
of view; some view Rousseau as the originator of Jacobin¬ 
ism, Caesarism and totalitarianism; others contend that 
Rousseau's volonte generale was based on the protection 
of the rights and freedoms of the individual (170) 0 The 
influence of the philosophy of Enlightenment, personified 
by Rousseau, is also traced in the thinking of Hegel, 
whom recent interpreters do not necessarily consider an 
exponent of conservatism(l7l) 0 It is held that the recon¬ 
ciliation of reality and existence which Hegel achieved 
in his specific concept of progress was lost in post- 
Hegelian thinking, followed by depreciation of the values 
of reason and personality, which culminated in an icono¬ 
clastic assault on the rationalist approach to reality 

(172) . 

More recent trends in European thought are explored 
in studies dealing with the rise of the concept of a 
national state and the spread of nationalism as a doctrine 

(173) o It is shown convincingly, however, that even at 
the time of the marked upsurge of nationalism, the idea 
of European unity was not absent from European and, 


40 





especially, German political thought (174). Several 
studies have brought into focus the development of 
socialist ideas throughout the nineteenth century from 
early Christian criticism of "proletarianization," 
represented by the writings of Franz von Baader ( 175 ), 
to the humanitarian philosophy of early Marxism (176;, 
to the social and political change which socialist 
philosophy experienced in recent decades (177), The 
combination of imperialist and socialist ideas, personi¬ 
fied by Friedrich Kaumann (178) , as a sideline to the 
evolution of liberal ideas, is made the subject of 
historical research,, Pragmatic approach to politics in 
recent European thought is dealt with in a new interpre¬ 
tation of Keynes (179). Political pragmati sm as an 
antiliberal ideology is attributed to the influence of 
Kachiavelian thinking (180). 

Marxism has remained a central point of interest 0 
It lias found various interpretations--as the ideology 
of a democratic labor movement (l8l), as an obsolete 
sociological method debunked by Pareto's criticism (182), 
and, in a simplistic version, as an untenable philosophy 
that was bound to fail (183). As contrasted with these 
one-sided versions, a large-scale scholarly analysis by 
the Catholic scholar, Gustav A. Wetter, reassembles the 
original system of Marxian thought, retracing its philo¬ 
sophical and sociological implications« Wetter emphati¬ 
cally claims that Marxian philosophy and sociology have 
little in common with the doctrine officially accepted 
in the Soviet Union» This provides the background for a 
detailed systematic analysis of "dialectical materialism" 
as the ideology of the Soviet State and leads up to a 
discussion of points of approach and points of friction as 
between Soviet philosophy and realistic scholasticism in 
ecclesiastic thought (184). 


SOCIAL FORCES 

The first introduction into the history of sociology 
and its problems to have appeared in many years, a book by 
Professor Helmut Schoeck of Fairmont State College, West 
Virginia, emphasizing political aspects in the social 
sciences from the specific angle of sociology of knowledge 
ascribes the narrow national outlook of European and parti 
cularly German sociology to the absence of a political 
science which would make itself felt in public life (185)„ 
The way in which the social dynamics of political life are 
treated today bears out Professor Schoeck's view* Wide- 
range inquiries into the structure of presentday society 
are scarce, A broad survey of shifts in social stratifi¬ 
cation was attempted a few years ago by the late Professor 


41 


Theodor Geiger (186) <> Speaking in general terms, he 
held that W 0 Lloyd Warner 1 s Yankee City analysis of 
social groups had superseded Marx*s, that the middle 
class had solidified, that distribution of income was 
the essential criterion of group differentiation, and 
that economic bureaucracy was the ruling class in to¬ 
day^ societyo A later analysis by Professor Leopold 
von Wiese (187) arrived at a more detailed classifica¬ 
tion of social groups, differentiating between (a) 
industrial monopolists, (b) producers of scarce commodi¬ 
ties ; (c) manual and non-manual workers and producers 
other than (a) and (b); (d) intellectuals, (e) pension¬ 
ers and recipients of allocations, and (f) the up¬ 
rooted * 

According to a recent study applying the concept 
of social distance, society today is marked by the lessen¬ 
ing of class characteristicso The change of elites seems 
so frequent that no elite performs its social functions* 
Changes in relationships of dependence become diffuse 
and impenetrable (188)* As the boundary lines between 
the social groups grow less distinct, the importance of 
elite groups within the individual social strata inr 
creases; the problem then is to determine the characteris¬ 
tics of elite (l89) 0 Is it intellectuals who constitute 
the elites within various social groupings? (190) What 
is the essence of intelligentsia in modern society? As 
most professional occupations are tied to\ government 
office or narrowly circumscribed positions in the hier¬ 
archy of business, it is argued that no genuine intelli¬ 
gentsia exists any more; intellectual convictions no 
longer have their roots in the intellectuals‘ functions, 
while semi-professionals rise to power positions in the 
manipulation of public opinion(l91). To the extent that 
intelligentsia is bureaucratized—especially in Germany, 
where governmental authority always had considerable in¬ 
fluence on the formation of social groups (l92)--problems 
of the composition and functions of bureaucracy acquire 
particular importance (193)« 

Irremovable career officialdom, the traditional 
German basis of public administration, was preserved 
after 1945* Its continuation is guaranteed by unequivo¬ 
cal provisions in the Bonn Basic Lauf, and constitutional 
lawyers consider these guarantees ironclad (194), in 
contrast to the legal situation in some European countries 
(195)„ Future political development, in consequence, may 
largely depend on whether or not reorganization of the 
civil service and a new system of personnel recruitment 
may be expected to prevail Q Social composition and back¬ 
ground of German officialdom not having been sufficiently 
explored, the Institut zur Forderung offentlicher An- 
gelegenheiten in Frankfurt has exerted considerable efforts 


42 


in preparing documentation on civil service problems 
and calling conferences of experts to discuss them 
(196) e Likewise, the Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Personal- 
wesen, Frankfurt, with the support of opponents of the 
present system of public administration, advocated radi¬ 
cal change, favoring reorganization along the lines of 
the United States civil service organization (197). 

Serious thought was given the problem of neutralizing 
bureaucracy's political influence; the interest centered 
on whether or not public officials should be permitted 
to hold elective office and to participate in the acti¬ 
vities of political parties (198) 0 

By and large the situation has remained unchanged, 
and the political scientist must continue to probe into 
the structure of bureaucracy and its elite groups, The 
issue is.important as bureaucracy seems to have been 
the only stable element of German society in recent 
yearso There was considerable change in society e s strati¬ 
fication, but no specialized research helped define its 
scope and meaning 0 One obvious fact stands out. The 
texture of German society was substantially modified by 
the influx of expellees and refugees from the Easto Full 
integration of these immigrant masses is still ahead. 

Some studies were conducted on the incidence of the in¬ 
flux (199), the legal status of the new citizens (200), 
their integration(20l), the demographic elements of the 
social pattern (202), and the political complexion of 
immigrant groups (203). To what extent the addition of 
millions of new citizens has contributed toward reshaping 
the urban features of German society and modifying the 
psychological and sociological trends inherent in urban 
civilization (204) remains to be seen. 

As no institutional remodeling of the basic structure 
of German society is in sight, political thinking reverts 
to the analysis of mechanisms of leadership selection 
(205) and the prospects of democratizing the process of 
the formation of elites (206). A few studies have been 
concerned with the composition and recruitment of present 
elite groups in politics (207) and in mass communications 
(208) a While totalitarian domination appears as an 
established monopoly of a seclusive ruling group, whose 
'exercise of power precludes the exercise of power by other 
groups, the democratic process, Professor Otto Stammer 
argues, is characterized by competitive selection, and 
incessant competition, of open elites. The crucial prob¬ 
lem then is how to assure flexibility in selection, the 
functioning of effective controls, and such coordination 
of antagonistic elites as would safeguard the political 
cohesion of the community (209). 


43 


The role of individual social groups in the exercise 
of political power has not yet been sufficiently eluci¬ 
dated o Only few data are available on the composition 
and recruitment of groups in control of the distribution 
of political and economic power (210), nor have there been 
studies on pressure groups, such as employers associations 
or labor unions (211) a The absence of a true democratic 
climate is attributed to a large extent to the public's 
ignorance of the mechanisms of selection and control of 
the ruling groups (212), In an earlier study Professor 
Carl Brinkmann expressed the view that the age of the 
masses was characterized by the constant presence of a 
passive majority which benefited from orderly and lawful 
conditions but was also capable of enduring--without re- 
belling--revolutionary situations (213) 0 The passive 
condition of the masses was seen as the effect of the mar¬ 
ket mechanism compelling the individual to yield to 
anonymous forces beyond his control„ In a broader context, 
a recent history of European thought insists that human 
freedom is not assured by rational manipulation of social 
mechanisms, for in capitalist society the effective forces 
of social life evade direct control This, it is argued, 
explains the autonomous power of governmental institu¬ 
tions and entails the danger of totalitarian rule (214) a 


SOVIET TOTALITARIANISM 

If study of power mechanisms is inadequate in regard 
to the present political pattern of German society, at 
least greater curiosity is displayed in the analysis of 
the nature of the Soviet state * Interest in Soviet develop¬ 
ments has been on the increase, spurred by the Soviet 
threat to German security and independence„ Although 
German science in olden times had qualified experts on 
Russian conditions at its disposal, the older scholars are 
not quite up to the difficulties of Soviet-centered research 
todayo To cite an example, a recent history of the Soviet 
Union--without source references or a bibliography--by 
Erdmann Hanisch (formerly Professor of Slav studies at the 
University of Breslau), continuing a history of Russia the 
author published under the Nazi rule and betraying con¬ 
siderable traces of Nazi attitudes, completely ignores the 
social background of political change„ It has no explana¬ 
tion to offer for Soviet foreign policy but that advanced 
by Hitler, whose statements are quoted; at the same time the 
author is overzealous in unveiling the pseudonyms of Soviet 
leaders in order to expose their Jewish origin 0 Por this 
purpose Hazi sources are used and their misstatements and 
lies repeated (215)« 


- 44 


A more conscientious study of Scviet and Eastern 
European history by Eugen Lemberg, who teaches at the 
Kassel Institute of Education, gives a cursory survey 
of historical facts, insisting on characteristic fea¬ 
tures of Russian and Eastern European civilization 
and presenting a concise view of recent developments. 
Regrettably, it falls into the favorite pattern of 
drawing psychological boundary lines between "Eastern” 
and "Western” man (216). A monograph on the role of 
the church in the formation of the early medieval 
Russian State outlines an interesting hypothesis on 
the amalgamation of feudal nobility and church authori¬ 
ty, followed by the merger of absolutist state and 
ecclesiastic authority (217). Original historical re¬ 
search has not gone beyond these contributions, but 
there has been considerable interest in Soviet writing 
of history. The recent revision of historical method 
and political approach decreed by the Soviet govern¬ 
ment after the intervention of Politburo member A. A, 
Zhdanov is treated in several well-documented studies 
(218)o A biographical essay of Zhdanov has been 
supplied by Boris Meissner, outstanding student of 
Soviet developments (219)„ 

Meissner has also written impressive pieces on 
the political structure of the Soviet state. His com¬ 
prehensive bibliography of constitutional theory and 
practice of the Soviet system is praiseworthy (220). 

His recent monograph on social change and government 
structure (22l) presents a minutely documented account 
of the setup of power institutions (administration, 
police and army), the personnel changes in recent years, 
the social and national composition of the hierarchy, 
and the relationship between the official organs of the 
state, the Communist party and the so-called "social” 
organizations. It is to be regretted, however, that 
Meissner relied on non-official material to some extent 
while omitting certain categories of data which could 
have been gleaned from the daily press (222). 

A new theory of the social trend prevailing in the 
Soviet Union has been advanced by G-. F, Achminow, a 
former Russian university student and army officer. He 
contends that a new class has crystallized under the 
totalitarian system, composed primarily of industrial 
technicians and the technical personnel of public admini¬ 
stration. This class he carefully distinguishes from 
the ruling upper crust of the party officialdom, deducing 
the inevitability of a future clash from the divergent 
social functions and status interests of the two groups 
(223). 


45 


Research in Soviet economics produced few visible 
results, the principal thesis advanced referring to 
the planlessness of Soviet planning (224) 0 The change 
in Soviet policy towards minority nationalities which 
has resulted in the suppression of minority groups 
and obvious de-nationalization trends has been exempli¬ 
fied in writings on the fate of Crimea* s Tatars (225) 
and the issue of Soviet antisemitism (226)„ Several 
minor studies have been dealing with new ideological 
trends, the rise of a new nationalism, the reversal 
of church policy, etc 0 (227) 0 Material collected from 
interviews with Soviet prisoners and slave laborers in 
wartime Nazi camps was recently published, providing 
some rarely available information on methods of in¬ 
doctrination and psychological control (228), A few 
studies deal with the foundations of Soviet foreign 
policy (which appear determined, in truly geopolitical 
perspective, by the pressure of overpopulation), (229) 
the centralized organization of Soviet control of the 
satellite states (230), and Soviet-Chinese relations 
(231) 0 

Although information on the effects of totali¬ 
tarian rule in the Soviet-occupied zone of Germany is 
published in considerable quantity, only a minor part 
of it is based on reliable sources and thoroughly 
checkedo Scholarly research has been conducted only 
in a few spots, and with restricted means o A few 
specialized pieces of research are available on adult 
education^(232), economic and social change (233), 
and the workings of opinion control (234) a The data 
are summarized in a contribution to the study of govern¬ 
ment structures and social dynamics (235), 


MASS COMMUNICATIONS AND MASS ORGANIZATION 

It is a thesis generally accepted in current litera¬ 
ture that the exercise of domination in modern mass 
society presupposes the consent of those dominated * Empi¬ 
rical study of the mechanisms securing mass consent has 
been lagging behind* German sociological writing still 
abounds in theoretical discussions of the relationship 
between the individual and the community., and the ethical 
standards that ought to prevail in human relations (236)* 
For the most part abstract notions are interpreted with¬ 
out empirical proof* The view that generalized state¬ 
ments without evidence to support them are meaningless 
is sometimes uttered but rarely observed* In various 
studies of phenomena of the mass age concepts used in 
modern social psychology and political science are 


46 - 


discussed and reinterpreted in formalized descriptions 
of constructs, such as M the leaders and the led," 
"subordination," "types of attitudes," etc (237). Or 
else distinctions are made between manifest and latent, 
amorphous and organized masses, and a "physiology of 
the mass" is constructed (238), Only in a few in¬ 
stances was psychological analysis applied to empirical 
evidence (239) or at least to material derived from 
the critical study of ideologies (240). 

Occasionally, historical and sociological evidence 
is explored. Thus, the late Theodor Geiger used empi¬ 
rical data to refute the stereotyped concept of "atomi¬ 
zed mass existence," insisting that every individual 
in a mass society was involved in a multitude of social 
contacts and constantly faced with decisions impossible 
to evade. Professor Geiger suggested that an end be 
put to emotional stereotyping of conceptual formulae, 
and that analysis of social reality be based on fact 
instead of the stereotype it should destroy (24l). 
Similarly, Professor Baschwitz, a refugee scholar 
teaching in Holland, has analyzed a number of historical 
situations usually adduced to bolster up pessimistic 
concepts of "mass reactions." He insists that "mass 
attitudes" be studied in the context of the specific 
situation; only thus would factual evidence serve to 
formulate specific conclusions and dislodge cheap 
generalizations (242). 

Research has not followed suit. Application of 
measurement techniques to public opinion research is 
practically unknown. Aside from a pamphlet by Professor 
Lenz discussing the educational value of opinion polls 
(without reference to confidence limits or probability 
quotients) (243), there was, until recently, just one 
treatise, issued in Austria, on the study of public 
opinion (244). A manual of techniques in empirical 
social research was added shortly, consisting of trans¬ 
lations from American material (Bureau of Applied 
Social Research and the National Opinion Research 
Center) (245) . The use of test and laboratory methods 
in social psychology began to be discussed only a 
short while ago (246). In spite of the disastrous 
effects of racial prejudice, no psychological or socio¬ 
logical study of antisemitism has yet appeared (247). 
Recent attempts to interest the general public in 
American public relations procedures and in human rela¬ 
tions studies confined themselves to recommending 
methods barely understood and advertising abstract 
formulae maladroitly translated (248). 


47 


This may explain why there is no scientific study 
of media of mass communication in contemporary 
Germany, notwithstanding the fact that institutes of 
journalism and of opinion studies are attached to 
several universities 0 As a rule, these institutions 
are concerned with historical inquiries into the ori¬ 
gin of journalism, or with professional standards 
(249)* Recent doctoral dissertations are not much 
more than compilations (250) 0 More tangible results 
came out of sociological studies in the history of 
the press (25l)* A large-scale inquiry into the 
techniques of press control and press guidance under 
Nazism, which was based on an invaluable collection 
of the Propaganda Ministry® s publicity directives 
(252) , unfortunately, was poor in its findings, for 
it failed to apply either quantifying or semantic 
techniques* The present condition of media of com¬ 
munication has not been investigated* Only little 
data on nei ir ownership and control have been 



disclosed 


Institutionalized, organizational mechanisms of 
control have found little attention* The influence 
of political parties within the democratic system of 
government and the potentialities of subjecting party 
machines to democratic control are discussed by con¬ 
stitutional lawyers and political scientists* In 
contrast to the widespread distrust of parties and 
,, politics ,' M Professor Leibholz, formerly a refugee in 
England and now Justice of the Pederal Constitutional 
Court, is among those who emphasize that the modern 
democratic state necessarily operates in such a way 
as to have organized groups, i_ o e 0 , the parties, ex¬ 
press the will of individual strata of voters? thus, 
the parties serve as intermediaries between the 
mass of the citizens and the government (254)* 

Whether a change in the structure of political parties 
is imminent-—a problem in the sociology of party 
machines-~is impossible to foresee on the basis of 
available material* 

Of the major political parties, only two, the 
Social Democratic Party and the Christian Democratic 
Union, more or less regularly issue organizational 
directories (255) and transcripts of party convention 
proceedings (256)* Scholarly studies of party poli¬ 
tics and party mechanisms do not exist* Neither do 
introductory manuals for teaching purposes (257)* 

The study of elections has not been developed beyond 
the initial steps* A statistical analysis of elec¬ 
tions in Lower Saxony over a period of sixty years 
was published recently, providing statistics of 
election returns but no comparative statistics of 


48 


social and political trends (258)„ The first attempt 
at conducting a large-scale survey of a political 
election was undertaken "by the Institut fur poli- 
tische Wissenschaft, Berlin, eliciting ample informa¬ 
tion on the election campaign studied and a great 
deal of data on the functioning of the political 
parties affected (259). This, however, was just a 
first step. The institute pointed out that systema¬ 
tic planning was required to prepare for further re¬ 
search on a Broader scale and with improved technique 
which should make use of reliable measurement proce¬ 
dures, as developed "by public opinion research in the 
United States. Thus far, heated discussions on the 
benefits of this or that electoral system (260) have, 
to a large extent, been taking the place of planned 
and organized empirical research. 


PRACTICE OF GOVERNMENT 

A large place in the study of politics is reserved 
to constitutional law and the institutional setup of 
government. Though comparative government is not a 
favorite topic, a remarkable analysis of constitution 
al developments in Great Britain, France and pre-Nazi 
Germany is offered in a book by Professor Glum (26l); 
differences and similarities in the constitutional 
structure of the Weimar Republic and today's Federal 
Republic are discussed by Theodor Heuss, President of 
the Federal Republic, and Hans Luther, former Reich 
Chancellor and Ambassador to Washington (262). Re¬ 
cently, Professor Karl Loewenstein explored the ad¬ 
vantages of the monarchic systems of government now 
in existence, insisting on the individual determi¬ 
nants of the political situation in every specific 
case (263). 

There is no lack of general introductory and inter 
pretative material for the study of the Bonn Basic 
Law (264), and the interpretation of constitutional 
provisions finds substantial help in the documentary 
history of the making of the constitution (265). 

This certainly does not mean that there is general 
agreement on the meaning of the constitution or the 
underlying philosophy. True, controversial issues 
are often shunned; a while ago, Professor Ernst 
Friesenhahn, of the University of Bonn, attacked the 
hypocrisy prevailing at meetings and conferences of 
constitution experts; he insisted that under specific 
provisions of the Basic Law it was the duty of uni¬ 
versity teachers to uphold the constitution and 
openly defend its principles (266). Friesenhahn 


49 


himself holds representative democracy, government 
"by law, separation of powers and social obligations 
of the state to be inherent in the Bonn constitu¬ 
tional principles (267) 0 Others insist that separa¬ 
tion of powers is the fundamental tenet of the Basic 
Law; that in a mass democracy, where bureaucracy 
is a decisive factor, divine guidance must prevail; 
and that separation of powers in a situation not 
comparable to that of Montesquieu 0 s France mdst in¬ 
volve corporate self-government of the constituent 
elements of the state'—an interpretation which 
tends to substitute for the representative system 
a disguised version of the corporative state (268)« 

Impressive evidence has been marshaled by oppo¬ 
nents of this view. In the twentieth century, 
they argue, separation of powers cannot mean the 
breaking-up of government into closed compartments; 
the Bonn system knows no clear-cut separation of 
powers; as practiced today, they say, Reparation’ 1 
stands for increased power of the executive at the 
expense of parliament (269) 0 Also, prominent ex¬ 
perts insist that if the letter of the Basic Law 
is interpreted according to its logic, the system 
created in Bonn can be nothing but a merely pro¬ 
visional construction, which in due course will 
have to adapt itself to the political reality (270) a 

Within the framework of the separation-of-powers 
doctrine the paramount issue refers to whether the 
present constitutional system should be considered 
a Bechtsstaat with a firmly established legal 
structure, wherein no single power may infringe 
upon the prerogatives of another, or whether it 
should be made into a Justizstaat , where govern¬ 
ment by law would mean government of the courts 
called upon to control the legality of the acts 
of both the legislature (27l) and the executive 
branch(272)* The issue is still open but the scales 
apparently have been tipped in favor of the latter 
doctrineo Another controversy revolves around the 
question as to whether the meaning of the constitu¬ 
tion implies or does not imply severe restrictions 
of rights and freedoms guaranteed by the provisions 
of the Basic Law in the event of an imminent danger 
to the democratic order (273). Here, too, the 
decision has been left in suspense 0 The further 
development will hinge on rulings and interpreta¬ 
tions by the Constitutional Court; both views find 
adherents on the bench Q A less controversial issue 
is that of the limits of the government’s parli¬ 
amentary responsibility, which the Basic Law has 
reduced considerably as compared to the strong legal 


50 




position of the legislature under the Weimar Consti¬ 
tution^ To what extent parliament will permit the 
executive to evade control is likely to he determined 
"by the stature of the legislators and that of the 
head of the executive (274).. 

It is widely agreed that the setup of the admini¬ 
stration under the Bonn system is fundamentally 
hierarchic. Municipal or regional self-government, 
as liberal philosophy conceived of it in the nine¬ 
teenth century, had been gradually divested of poli¬ 
tical meaning long before the advent of the totali¬ 
tarian state, which finally destroyed it altogether. 
O^ly weak attempts have been undertaken in the post¬ 
war era at rebuilding a strong edifice of self- 
government. The more commendable is the theoretical 
interest lately taken in the history of self- 
government. So far it has resulted in an outstanding 
sociological and historical study of self-government 
institutions of the last century by Heinrich Heffter 
(275), Hamburg historian, who also has written on 
the relationship between bureaucratic administration 
and municipal self-government (276). Other aspects 
of municipal and regional organization and of the 
reform of public administration have been treated in 
individual monographs (277). 

Of course, one of the major reasons for the break¬ 
down of municipal self-government was in its depen¬ 
dence on sources of revenue which had to be secured 
from federal or state governments. A sociological 
analysis of government financing in its entirety is 
still missing; only a minor legal study touches 
upon certain crucial problems (278). But to future 
students, political analysis of government finance 
will be easy. A truly monumental presentation of 
budgetary systems prevailing in the principal Euro¬ 
pean countries and the United States has been set in 
motion by Kurt Heinig, a former German parliamentar¬ 
ian and budget expert now living in Sweden. In 
Heinig*s work the planning, the setting-up and the 
functioning of the budget, as well as the accounting 
and auditing system have been analyzed with the support 
of an immense body of data, to which the author has 
supplied a systematic one-volume index (279). 


PEOGEAMS OF STUDY 

As political science, but for a few exceptions, 
still is not taught in universities and schools, 
greater importance attaches itself to introductory 


51 


material in print* Aside from a few manuals of 
civics for the use of younger students (280), the 
crop does not come up to expectations* Dictionaries 
of politics are missing (28l) 0 There is no exposi¬ 
tion of fundamentals of political science (2828)« 
Students of the history of political thought have 
to content themselves with the scholastic presenta¬ 
tion of ideas of this or that historic figure, 
without any knowledge of the complexity of social 
and historical conditions under which the systems 
under review came into "being (283) * 

Political education cannot "be expected to emerge 
out of nothing* Indeed, an excellent analysis of 
the prerequisites of political education has "been 
written "by an educator and student of psychology, 
Friedrich Oetinger (284) 0 Education for democracy, 
he has shown, must first and foremost aim at cre¬ 
ating a democratic climate, a change in "behavior 
and attitudes, a new type of human relations as it 
may "be studied in countrie with a constitutional 
and political history other than Germany 9 s* Yet 
the very analysis of the chances which the struggle 
for a democratic climate would have, depends on the 
study of political conditions, the task of political 
science, 

Various nations came to light in recent discus¬ 
sions of the functions and prospects of political 
science* Professor Weisser of Cologne advocated 
the establishment of a normative system which would 
regulate political ethics (285)« Professor Mann- 
hardt, formerly of Breslau, advanced the view that 
political science had to listen to ”God B s step in 
history a M (286) Conversely, Dr, Jurgen von Kempski 
suggested the construction of models of the course 
of political action, which should serve as a gauge 
for the measurement of effective and expected acti¬ 
vity (287)* Arnold Gehlen, the anthropologist, 
following an approach suggested "by American techniques, 
favors the study of social action of the "basis of 
empirical o"bservation(288) 0 A similar approach is 
recommended by Professor Stammer of Berlin in an out¬ 
line of what he would call sociology of politics, in 
which he would have focus on the study of the inter¬ 
dependence of svstems of domination and social 
structures (289)„ Professor Kossitsch, formerly of 
Belgrade, outlines a program of research, emphazising 
special areas of study, such as research on political 
power, the mechanisms of international relations, 
the study of war, and the elements of the democratic 
process (290)» Substantially the same program, 
emphatically centered on empirical research, has been 


52 


developed by the Institut fur politische Wissenschaft 
Berlin, the first German research organization dedica 
ted specifically to political science (29l). 

There is no scarcity of suggestions, nor is good 
will lacking in a number of places. What remains un¬ 
solved is the problem of facilities and resources. 
This in turn touches upon potentialities and limita¬ 
tions inherent in political reality, that is to say, 
upon whether or not German society today is in need 
of political science, is interested in its findings 
and is prepared to listen to a critical appraisal of 
the prevailing political system. 


53 


NOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIC REPERENCES 


Key to Abbreviations 


Listed below are abbreviations for titles of period!cals, 
symposia and collections cited in the section on Notes 
and References which follows. 


Abhangigkeit Wiese, Leopold von, ed^ Abhangigkeit und 
Selbstandigkeit im sozialen Leben , 

Cologne, Westdeutscher Verlag, lS51o 
2 v., 583 p. (Schriften der sozio* 
logischen Abteilung des Forschungs- 
instituts fur Sozial- und Verwaltungs- 
wissenschaften, v. i) 

Aktion ; monthly, Prankfurt, Aktion; 
Margarete Buber-Neumann, pub, 

Aussenpolitik . Zeitschrift fur inter ¬ 
net ionale Pragen ; monthly. Stuttgart, 
Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt; Herbert von 
Borch, Erich Kordt, Wilhelm Grewe, 
Herbert Gross, Artur W. Just, Hans Roth- 
fels, Hans Georg von Studnitz, pubs. 

Archiv fur Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie ; 

quarterly. Bern, pub, by Francke for 
Internationale Vereinigung fur Rechts- 
und Sozialphilosophie; Theodor Vieh- 
weg, ed. 

Per Monat Der Monat , Eine internetionale Zeitschrift 

monthly. Munchen, pub. by Verlag Die 
Neue Zeitung for Information Division, 
Office of Public Affairs, HICOG; Melvin 
J. Lasky, ed. 

Die Gegenwart Die Gegenwart ; fortnightly. Frankfurt, Die 
Gegenwart; Max von Bruck, Michael Freund 
Robert Haerdter, Fritz Hauenstein, 
Herbert Kusel, Albert Oeser, Benno 
Reifenberg, Friedrich Sieburg, Dolf 
Sternberger, pubs. 

DWG Die Welt als Geschichte . Eine Zeitschrift 

fur Universalgeschichte ; quarterly. 
Stuttgart, Kohlharamer; Hans E. Stier 
and Fritz Ernst, pubs. 


Aktion 

AP 

ARSP 


54 




















EA 


Faktoren 0 „ « 


fh 


GWU 


GM 


HZ 


JBSW 


Kaehlero „ 0 


Kaufmann u „ 0 


Euro-pa-Archiv g monthly 0 Vienna-=*Frank- 
furt~-Basle, Geschichte und Politikj 
Wilhelm Cornides, pub 0 

Gurland, A 0 B 0 L 0 , jed 0 Faktoren der 
MachtbiIdung 0 Wi ssenschaf tliche 
Studien zur Politik o Berlin, Duncker 
and Humblot, 1952 0 200 p 0 (Schriften 

des Institutes fur politische Wissen- 
schaft, v 0 2 ) 

Frankfurter Hefte 0 Zeitschrift fur Kul- 
tur und Politik o monthly 0 Frankfurt, 
Frankfurter Hefte; Eugen Kogon and 
Walter Dirks, pubs 0 

Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 0 

Zeitschrift des Verbandes der Ge- 

schichtslehrer in Deutschland ; monthly 0 
Offenburg, Baden, Lehrmittelverlags K 0 
Do Erdmann and F c Messerschmid, pubs 0 

Gewerkschaftliche Monatshefte, Zeitschrift 

fur soziale Theorie und Praxis ; monthly 0 
Cologne, Bund(Bundesvorstanddes 
Deutschen Gewerkschaftsbundes )5 Walter 
Pahl, ed 0 

Historische Zeitschrift ; quarterly,, Munich, 
Oldenbourg^ Ludwig Dehio and Walther 
Kienast, pubs 0 

Jahrbuch fur Sozialwissenschaften B mit 

Bibliographie der Sozialwissenschaften ; 

3 times a year 0 Gottingen, Vandenhoeck 
and Buprecht$ Carl Brinkmann, Andreas 
Predohl, and Beinhard Schader, pubs 0 l 
Beinhard Schader, ed Q 

Schicksalswege deutscher Vergangenheit , 

Beitrage zur geschichtlichen Deutung 

der letzten 150 Jahre ( Festschrift fur 

Siegfried A 0 KaehlerT o Dusseldorf, 
Droste, 1950 o 487 p 0 

Jahrreiss, Hermann, Walter Jellinek, Budolf 
Laun, Budolf Smend, eds 0 Um Becht und 
Gerechtigkei1 0 Festgabe fur Erich Kauf- 
mann, Stuttgart--Cologne, Kohlhammer, 
1950 o viii, 401 p 0 


55 































KZS 


Merkur 


NE 


OE 


Ordo 


PB 


Bitter. ♦. 


Bothfels, .. 


Saeculum 


Schmoller 


Kolner Zeitschrift fur Soziologie ; quarter- 
ly 0 Cologne-“Opladen, Westdeutscher 
Verlag for Forschungsinstitut fur Sozial- 
und Verwaltungswissenschaften, University 
of Cologne; Leopold von Wiese, ed 0 

Merkuro Deutsche Zeitschrift fur europa- 
isches Denken ; monthly„ Stuttgart, 
Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt; Joachim Moras 
and Hans Paeschke, puhs 0 

Die Neue Bundschau ; quarterly 0 Frankfurt, 

So Fischer, Gottfried Bermann Fischer, 
puhos Budolf Hirsch, Joachim Maass, eds. 

Osteuropa 0 Zeitschrift fur Gegenwarts- 

fragen des Ostens ; himonthly 0 Stuttgart, 
pub 0 hy Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt for 
Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Osteuropa- 
kunde; Klaus Mehnert, ed 0 

Ordo o Jahrhuch fur Ordnung von Wirtschaft 
und Gesellschaft ; annual 0 Dusseldorf-- 
Munich, Kupper (Bondi); Franz Bohm, 
Friedrich A 0 Lutz, Fritz W G Meyer, puhs. 

Politische Bildung o Schri f tenreihe der 

Hochschule fur Politische Wissenschaften , 

Munchen g monthly 0 Munich, Isar; Gunter 
Olzog, puho| Thomas Ellwein, Bolf Meyer, 
Gerhard Pallmann, eds 0 

Nurnherger, Bichard, ed Festschrift fur 
Gerhard Bitter zu seinem 60 o Gehurtstag . 

Tubingen, Mohr (SieheckJ, 1950* 450 pT 

Conze, Werner, ed Deutschland und Europa , 
Historische Studien zur Volker- und 

Staatenordnung des Ahendlands , Fest¬ 
schrift fur Hans Bothfels 0 Dusseldorf, 
Droste, 1951o 415 p 0 

Saeculunu Jahrhuch fur Universalgeschichte '; 
quarterlyo Freihurg--Munich, Alher; 

Georg Stadtmuller, puh„, Oskar Kohler, 
ed 0 

Schindlers Jahrhuch fur Gesetzgebung, Ver- 

waltung und Volkswirtschaft 9 himonthly 0 
Berlin, Duncker and Humhlot; Georg Jahn, 
puh o 


56 
































SG 

Smend .. . 

Soziologie 

SW 

Thoma ... 

Tymbos .. . 

Wiese , . . 

ZG 

ZGSW 

ZRGG 


Studium Generaie » Zeitschrift fur die Ein- 
heit der Wissenschaften ° monthly 0 
Berlin—Gottingen--Heidelberg , Springer ; 

K 0 H. Bauer, L. Curtius, pubs 0 

Kaufmann, Erich, Ulrich Scheuner, and Wer¬ 
ner Weber, eds , Hechtsprobleme in 
Staadt und Kirche , Festschrift fur 
Rudolf Smend zum 70, Geburtstag, 15 <> 
Januar 1952 . G5ttingen, Schwartz, 1952 0 
x, 447 p e (Gottingen Rechtswissenschaft- 
liche Studien, v» 3) 

... Brinkmann, Carl, ed, Soziologie und Leben n 
Die soziologische Dimension der Fach - 

wissenschaften „ Tubingen, Wunderlich— 

Leins, 1952 0 331 p 0 

Soziale Welt , Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft 
und Praxis des sc ialen Lebens ; quarter- 
ly 0 Dortmund, Soziale Welt; Sozialfor- 
schungsstelle Dortmund, ed 0 , on behalf 
of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft sozialwissen- 
schaftlicher Institute* 

Festschrift fur Richard Thoma . Zurn 75. Ge - 
burtstag am 19 0 Dezember 1950 , Tubingen, 
Mohr (Siebeck) 1950. 266;' p. 

Tymbos fur Wilhelm Ahlmann , Ein Gedenkbuch 
Berlin, de Gruyter, 1951 0 266 p 0 

Spec^to Karl Gustav, £d_. Soziologische For - 
schung in unserer Zeit 0 Ei n Sammelw e rk c 
Leopold von Wiese zum 75, Geburtstag . 

Cologne, Westdeutscher Verlag, n„d 0 [ c 0 

1951J » 352 p 0 

Zeitschrift fur Geopolitik . Monatsschrift 
flir deutsches Auslandswissen g monthly,, 
Heidelberg, Vowinckel; K 0 A 0 Pfeffer, 

Kurt Vowinckel, eds 0 

Zeitschrift fur die gesamte Staatswissen 

schaft ; quarterly^ Tubingen, hohr (Sie- 

beck); Franz Bohm, Wilhelm Grewe et 0 al„ fl 
pubs o 

Zeitschrift fur Religions- und Geistesge - 

schichte ; quarterly, Leiden--Heidelberg, 
Brill; Hans Joachim Schoeps e_fc 0 al_ u , pubs. 


57 









































Not es and References 


(1) See, e_*£* , Karl Jaspers, Vernunft und Wider- 
vernunft in unserer Zeit , Munich? Piper, 1950, pp» 71* 
Lectures delivered before the student body of the Uni- 
versity of Heidelberg* 

(2) Karl Jaspers, Vom Ursurung und Ziel der 
Geschichte , Munich? Piper, 1949, pp* 349* For Dis¬ 
cussion, see Wilhelm Koppers, "Das Bild der Vorge- 
schichte bei Jaspers,” in Saeculum (l95l), pp* 46-53 
(v* II, no* l); Oskar Kohler, ,r Das Bild der Mensch- 
heitsgeschichte bei Karl Jaspers,” in Saeculum (1950) , 
pp* 477-486 (v* 1, no* 4), 

(3) Alfred Weber, Kulturgeschichte a ls Kultur- 
soziologie , 2d, enlarged ed* , Munich? Piper, 1950, pp* 
479* Includes, in addition to the text of the 1st 
edition (1935), an evaluation of mankind’s chances to 
protect the values of the third stage of its develop¬ 
ment from being swallowed up by the fourth (”the coming 
of fourth man”;* For discussion, see Wilhelm Ropke et , 
al* t Kommt der Vierte Mensch?, Zurich? Europa, n*d* 

1952J, pp * 83 * 

(4) Alexander Rustow, Ortsbestimmung der Gegen- 
wart * Eine universalgeschichtliche Kulturkritik , v* 
Ursprung der Herrschaft , Erlenb&ch-Zurich, 1950, pp* 

360 (two more volumes are scheduled for publication)* 
For discussion, see Michael Freund, "Die Erbsunde 
unserer Welt,” in Per Monat » pp* 656-658 (no* 36, 
September 1951, v* III); Edith Eucken-Erdsieck, "Kul- 
tur und Herrschaft,” in Ordo (l95l), pp* 444-454, v* 

IV* 


(5) Alexander Rustow, Das Versagen des Wirtschafts- 
liberalismus „ Dusse1dorf-Munich? Kupper (Bondi) , 1950, 
pp* viii, 142 (reprint of the original Istanbul edition 
riot distributed in Germany)s cf* Rustow, "Kritik des 
technischen Fortschritts,” in Ordo (l95l), v* IV, pp* 
372-407, and Zwischen Kapitalismus und Kommunismus s 
Kupper (Bondi"J! 1949, pp* 75* For discussion, see Bern- 
hard Pfister, ”Das Versagen des Wirtschaftsliberalismus,” 
in Ordo , v* IV, pp* 440-443* 

A different hypothesis on the origin of the 
monopolistic state (or "Superstate”) as a by-product of 
mankind’s sociological and biological development is 
expounded by M* T* Vaerting, Machtzuwachs des Staates * 
Untergang des Menschen ,, Gottingen? Munsterschmidt, 1952, 
pp* 131* Frau Vaerting ascribes the emergence of 


58 
























superstates and, particularly, of their highly developed 
totalitarian forms, to nineteenth century exorbitant 
population increases, coupled with military conscription 0 
In consequence, she advocates birth control and insists 
that voluntary service replace the system of conscript’ 
armies. 

(6) Erich Kahler, Die Yerantwortun^ des Geistes , 
Gesammelte^ Aufsatze . Frankfurt; Fischer, 1952, pp. 301 
(papers originally published in American periodicals, 
supplemented by Unpublished lectures ) 0 

(7) Use Schwidetzky, "Werden und Vergehen von Vol- 
kern als anthropologisches Problem,” in KZS (1951-52), 
pp 0 175-182 (v. 4, no „ 2-3). Similarly, the student of 
government,adverse to anthropological analogy, refers \ 
the problem of the rise and decay of states right back 

to the historian of culture, the one who studies the 
human mind; see Ulrich Scheuner [professor of public law 
at the University of Bonn], ”Entstehung, Altersstufen 
und Untergang von Staaten im Lichte des Rechts,” op . 
cit .» pp 0 208-221. 

( 8 ) W 0 E. Muhlmann, ”Aspekte einer Soziologie der 
Macht,” in ARSP , pp. 84-114 (v. 40, no. l). 

(9) Gerhard Ritter*s views originally were ex¬ 
pounded in Machtdtaat und Utopie . Vom Streit um die 
Damonie drr Macht seit Macchiavelli und Morus , The 
book went through four printings between 1940 and 1943, 
a fact the author attributes to its effectiveness as 
an anti-Nazi profession of faith. Revised editions 
Die Damonie der Macht . Betrachtungen ubefr Geschichte 
und Wesen des Machtproblems im politischen Denken der 

Neuzeit , 6 th edition, Munich? Leibniz, 1948, pp. 216; 
the passages quoted are from pp. 93 and 165 ff. Cf. 
Ritter, Vom sittlichen Problem der Macht . Funf Essays , 
Bern? Franeke, n.d. [c. 1948J, pp. 176; also, Joseph 
Vogt, ? *Damonie der Macht und Weisheit der Antike,” in 
DWG (1950), pp 0 1-17 (v.10, noo l), and the reply by 
Gerhard Ritter, "Damonie der Macht und Weisheit der 
Antike,” op . cit ., pp. 81-85 (no. 2). 

Self-destructive "demonry of power 1 ' is the 
central concept interwoven in the hypotheses of Edith 
Eucken-Ertlsieck, Grosse und Wahn u Drei Essays iiber 
Friedrich II., Napoleon I . 9 Hitler , Tubingen? Laupp, 

1950, pp. 209. 

(10) The philosopher, Johannes Kuhn, "Geschichts- 
philosophic und Utopie,” in DWG (l95l), pp. 1-11 (v. 11, 
no. l), holds that no genuine philosophy of history can 
dispense with knowledge of ”the Invisible”; an interpre¬ 
tation of history devoid of religious reverence would 


59 

















"be purely utopian, 

For an annotated bibliography of writings 
concerned with, the religious, mystic or gnostic mean¬ 
ing of history, see Oskar Kohler, "Idealismus und Ge- 
schichtlichkeit, M in Saeculum (l95l), pp 0 122-151, 
esp. 14? ff. (v. 2, no. l). 

(11) Josef Pieper, li ber das Ende der Zeit , Bine 
geschichtsphilosophische Meditation , Munich? Kosel- 
Hochland, n 0 d 0 [c. 1950J , pp 0 192, esp, 71-80, 92 ff. , 
172 ff. 

(12) Romano Guardini, Das Ende der Neuzeit, Din 
Versuch zur Orientierung , Wurzburg? Werkbund, 1951, 
pp 0 125o For discussion, see Karl Dietrich Erdmann, 

"Das Ende der Heuzeit," in GWU (l95l)» pp, 211-215 (v.2, 
no. 4)s from a cautiously critical, left-wing Catholic 
point of view, Walter Dirks, "Das Ende der Neuzeit ist 
nicht das Ende des Menschen," in FHj (1952) , pp „ 26-35 

(vo 7, no o l)o 

(13) Romano Guardini, Die Macht „ Versuch einer 
Wegweisung [with Church Imprimatur 1 , Wurzburg? Werk- 
bund, n,d, [c 0 195l], pp 0 120 0 For discussion, see 
Karl Dietrich Erdmann, ’ ’Romano Guardini? Die Macht 0 
Ihr Wesen und ihre Probleme," in GWU (l95l) , pp 0 257- 
274 arid 321-339 (v 0 2, nos. 5 and 6 ) 0 A monumental 
critical review from a more intransigent Catholic point 
of view, of last century°s thinking on problems of 
social and political philosophy will be found in Erich 
Przywara [S 0 J,], Humanitas „ Der Mensch gestern und 
morgen , Nuremberg? Glock and Lutz, n„d 0 [distributed 

in 1952J, pp 0 903, a Catholic encyclopedia, as it were, 
of political and social philosophy, theology, poetry, 
and fiction. In particular, the author takes exception 
to modern political thought, on the one hand, and 
existentialist philosophy, on the other, as doctrines 
of deification of man traces back to Martin Luther 5 s 
influence on the European mindo 

For an analysis and bibliography of the 
changing Catholic appraisal of Luther, see Heinrich 
Bornkamm, '’Luther zwischen den Konfessionen 0 Vierhun- 
dert Jahre katholischer Lutherforschung s tf in Ritter 0 „ 0 , 
pp a 210-231, and Ernst Benz, "Das Lutherbild des 
franzosischen Katholizismus,” in ZRGG (1952), pp 0 1 - 
19, (v, 4, no. l ) 0 

A detailed scholarly exposition of Catholic 
thinking on problems of the "mass age,” using concepts 
derived from physics, but refraining from empirical 
analysis of political phenomena, is supplied by Josef 
Ruther, Strasse der Menschheit . Betrachtungen uber 
Geschichte , Regensberg-Munsters Regensbergsche Verlags- 
buchhandlung, 1950, pp 0 410 0 


- 60 




















Applied to present political reality, the 
conservative Catholic point of view is presented "by Emil 
Iranzel, ’’Die restaurativen Tendenzen der Epoche,” in v, 

5 HA (l95l), ppo 529-542 (no, 10) s ’’phenomenological 
identity” of Communism, National Socialism, fascism and 
democratic socialism, all four having their roots in the 
’’Jacobin” idea of "popular sovereignty” and in the ide¬ 
ology of a ’’national state,” 

(14) The philosophy of ’’the woods” has "been most 
articulately formulated in Ernst Junger 9 Der Waldgan#* 
Frankfurt: Klostermann, n.d. [c, 195l], pp a 143, For a 
more extensive appraisal of the epoch, see the author 5 s 
wartime diaries (1941-1945): Strahlungen , Tubingen: 
Heliopolis, 1949, pp, 648, and his fictionalized version 
of the impending doom: Heliopolis , Ruckblick auf eine 
Stadt t Tubingen: Heliopolis, 1949, pp, 440, For dis¬ 
cussion, cf, Ivo Frenzel, ”Das Kollektiv des Einzelnen, 
Marginalien zu Ernst Jungers 3 Waldgang,®” in Aktion , no, 

13 (March 1952), v, 2, pp, 66-70, 

The political philosophy now expounded by 
Junger was anticipated in Hermann Rauschning, Die Zeit 
des Deliriums , Zurich: Amstutz and Herdeg s n,d, [Preface 
1947J, ppo 4151 Rauschning concluded that Soviet expan¬ 
sion could no longer be contained after the United States, 
in the early postwar years, had been enforcing a ’’Russian 
peape 

(15) Karl Brandi, Geschichte der Geschichtswissen- 
schaf 1 1 2d, revised edition, prepared by Wolfgang Graf, 
Bonn: Athenaum, 1952, pp 0 147, A chapter was added on 
historians of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries^ 
adequate information on Russian, American and British 
historiography, however, is still missing, nor have soci¬ 
ological and political aspects in tide writing of history 
been treated, 

(16) Fritz Wagner, Geschichtswissenschaf1 » Freiburg- 
Kunich: Alber, 1951 (in the series Qrbis Academicus c 
Problemgeschichten der Wissenschaft in Dokumenten und Dar - 

stellungen) , pp, viii, 468,Comprehensive bibliography, 

both systematic and chronological; carefully prepared 
indexes. Most modern non-German historians, regrettably, 
have not been included^ only Buckle and Taine for Europe, 
and George Perkins Marsh, Theodore Parker and John B, Me 
Master for the United States are. represented, 

(17) Heinrich Ritter von Srbik, Geist und Geschichte 

vom deutschen Human!smus bis zur Gegenwart 9 Munich .i 
Bruckmann, v~[ n, d, c , 1950J , ppT 438^ v, II, n,d , 

[c, 1951J , pp, xi, 422, 


61 


















(18) A new dictionary of German "biography, Hellmuth 

Eossler and Gunther Franz, with the cooperation of Willy 
Hoppe, Biographisches Worterbuch zur deutschen Geschichte , 
Munich? Oldenhourg, fasc„ 1, 1952, pp. xlviii, 96, is a 
case in point 0 Both the selection and the treatment of 
historical figures included are in the traditional vein„ 
Politics, political science, sociology and political 
history are treated cavalierly, while kings and princes 
dominate the scene, Yet even in the choice of kings no 
scholarly criterium is di scernible; Tsar Alexander I, , 

is dealt with at length, but Alexander II, whose impact 

on German foreign policy was not negligible, is missing. 

The omissions among '’commoners 1 ' are striking„ Berthold 
Auerbach, novelist and writer who had quite some influ¬ 
ence on the development of the German mind in the nine¬ 
teenth century; a theologian of the international fame 
of Karl Barth; Paul Barth, pioneer of German sociology; 
Johann-Heinrich Bernstorff, the diplomat; Otto Bauer, 
scholar and political leader of Austrian socialism; Georg 
Adler, for qiite a time the most authoritative historian 
of German labor; Max Adler, philosopher and influential 
socialist writer; and many another of equal or greater 
stature, have not been mentioned 0 Ludwig Bamberger, one 
of Bismarck 9 s outstanding political opponents, is granted 
34 lines (p 0 48), but Adolf Bartels, Nazi, historian of 
literature and a "Ducal Professor" (p c 49) gets 47, and 
the legendary Teutonic hero Arminius, "upholder of German 
Volkstum," spreads out over an entire column (pp® 29 f 0 ) 0 
A number of political and literary figure are stigmatized 
as "Jew," "of Mosaic: faith," etc 0 ; Ludwig Boerne, farther 
of German journalism, is seen as "a representative of 
negative, ultimately decomposing criticism" (p 0 8l)» 

This revival of the past in presentday histo¬ 
rical science may not be passed over in silence, for the 
authors are well-known historians of recognized profes¬ 
sional standing? Professor Bossier, a disciple of Srbik 9 s, 
holds the chair of modern history at the University of 
Erlangen (formerly in Vienna); Dr 0 Hoppe, an ex-professor 
of the University of Berlin, was the editor of Forschungen 
zur brandenburgischen und preussischen Geschichte dis¬ 
continued in 1944; and Dr 0 Franz, a disciple of Brandi 9 s, 
had taught at Heidelberg, Jena and (under the Nazi occu¬ 
pation) Strasbourg and is the author of several noteworthy 
volumes, especially the highly useful, nay, indispensable 
(though not exhaustive) recent bibliography of publica¬ 
tions on German history, Bucherkunde zur deutschen Ge¬ 
schichte , Munich? Oldenbourg, 1951, pp 0 279 0 

(19) Gerhard Bitter, "Gegenwartige Lage und Zukunfts- 
aufgaben deutscher Geschichtswissenschaftin HZ_ (1950), 
v 0 170, pp 0 l-22 0 


- 62 - 









(20) Professor Ritter's rather lenient attitude 

towards traditionalist trends in German political histori¬ 
ography is taken to task "by Karl Thieme [historian of 
religion, political writer, and voluntary exile], "Mog- 
lichkeiten und Grenzen der Geschichtsrevisionin PR 
(1951), pp. 546-553 (v. 6, no. 8). — 

(21) Ludwig Dehio, "Ranke und der deutsche Imperi- 
alismus," in HZ (1950), v. 170, pp. 307-328. Cf. Hans 
Herzfeld, "Politik und Geschichte hei Leopold v 0 Ranke 
im Zeitraum von 1848-1871," in Ritter .... pp. 322-341. 

(22) Meinecke's work as a historian and philoso¬ 
pher of history is studiously analyzed hy Walther Hofer, 
Geschi chtschreibung und Wei tans chauung . Be t rachtunp;en 
zum WerkFriedrich Meineckes . Munich: Oldenbourg, 1950, 

PP• 552. Dr. Hofer, a young Swiss historian, now teach¬ 
ing at the Free University of Berlin, deals with Mein¬ 
ecke's approach to history, his "philosophical eclecti¬ 
cism" and "classical liberalism," and both his 
indebtedness to, and his attempts to overcome, "historism" 
the political content of Meinecke's historical writing 
and his impact on German political thought are passed by. 

Other problems of "historism"—as they present 
themselves in British historiography, where historism 
is linked to political value notions of a different 
nature--are discussed by Karl Dietrich Erdmann, "Das 
Problem des Historismus in der neueren englischen Ge¬ 
schi chtswissenschaftin KZ_ (1950), v. 170, pp 0 73-88. 

(23) There have not been too many attempts to re¬ 
write German history from a different angle. Among these, 
an over-all picture of German history by a writer not un¬ 
known to the American public should be mentioned: 

Hubertus Prinz zu Lowenstein, Deutsche Geschichte . Der 
Weg des Reiches in zwei Jahrtausenden , Frankfurt; 
Scheffler, 1950, pp. 643. Notwithstanding extended poli¬ 
tical and journalistic activities (which have been taking 
a noticeably anti-American turn), Prince Lowenstein 
exerted considerable efforts on a detailed and studious 
presentation of two thousand years of German history. The 
underlying motive is the idea of the "Reich" in a Catholic 
interpretation. Influenced by the imagery of nineteenth 
century Romantic writers, the idea of the universal empire 
takes on the shape of a fusion of Church and secular rule, 
the latter centering on Germany (after the simile of the 
Holy Roman Empire of the German nation). The author 
dwells particularly on foreign policy and the battle of 
ideas, paying less attention to social and domestic 
politics, e_.£, , the rise of political parties or the poli¬ 
tical evolution of social groups. Surprisingly, the 
treatment of the National Socialist period leaves out the 
extermination of Jews, nor is the Hitlerite policy of 


63 









spoils and conquest "brought out with sufficient clarity. 

(24) See, e_ 0 £o , Max Silherschmidt [Zurich histori¬ 
an], "Wirtschaftshistorische Aspekte der neueren Ge¬ 
schichte. Die atlantische Gemeinschaft,” in HZ_ (l95l), 
v. 171, pp. 245-261 0 Of. Max Biehl, ’’Geschichte und 
Wirtschaft in unserem Jahrhundert,” in GWU (1950) , v. 1, 
pp. 257-270. 

(25) Hans Proesler, Hauptprobleme der Sozialge- 
schichte » Erlangen? Palm and Enke, 1951, pp. 173, has 
given an outline of the problems raised "by the study of 
'’social history” (using the term in accordance with G. 

Mo Trevelyan's concept) 0 Professor Proesler (School of 
Economic and Social Sciences, Nuremberg) does not, how¬ 
ever, engage in original research, nor is he concerned 
with politics as a social process. 

(26) George W. F. Hallgarten, Imperialismus vor 
1914? Theoretisches o Soziologische Skizzen der aussen- 
politischen Entwicklung in England und Frankreich . 

Darstellung der deutschen Aussenpolitik bis zum ersten 

Weltkrieg , Munichg Beck, 1951, v. I, pp. xx, 561§ v. II, 
pp. vii, 507. Eichly documented, with an extensive 
bibliography. Valuable indexes, prepared by German re¬ 
searchers whom the author apparently was unable to super¬ 
vise on the spot, supply additional biographical and 
factual material but unluckily are marred by errors of 
fact, misprints and cases of mistaken identity. 

(27) Analytical treatises are as rare as collec¬ 
tions of documents, while texts are missing altogether. 

A recent volume intended as a school-type selection of 
readings? Walter Wulf, ed_. , Das Zeitalter des Imperial- 
ismuSf II. 1919-1945 . In zeitgenossischen Urkunden und 
Berichten . Hamburg? Wenk, n.d. |_c. 1950J, pp. 148 (Ur- 
kunden und Berichte zur Geschichte des Abendlandes ,, no. 

8), does not come i up to expectations. Badly arranged 

and poorly presented, most of the documents included 
appear in an abridged version. (Part I has not so far 
been issued.) 

(28) Hans Herzfeld, Die moderne Welt 1789-1945 (in 

the series, edited by Gerhard Hitter, Geschichte der 
Neuzeit) 9 Part I? Die Epoche der b\irgerlichen National- 
staaten . 1789-1890, Brunswick-Berlin? Westermann, 1950, 

PPo 254. Conceived as an educational aid for students 
and teachers of history, Professor Herzfeld's book com¬ 
bines the story of political events with data on econo¬ 
mic and social developments. Nor does it, unlike old- 
type texts, confine itself to a merely European framework 
Russia's and America's role in European politics are 
shown against the background of the respective domestic 


64 






















developments. Every chapter is accompanied hy an anno¬ 
tated bibliography. (Part II,, covering the 1890-1945 
period, is in preparation.) 

(29) Emil Franzel, 1870-1950 . Geschichte unserer 
Z_ei_t_, Munich.: Oldenbourg, 1951, pp« 496, is an eighty- 
year panorama of political events narrated against the 
background of characteristic changes in economic life, 
technology, science, philosophy, spiritual culture, and 
the arts. The work is rich in informative detail (with 
copious notes and source reference); too rich in fact, 
nor have factual mistakes been avoided. The presenta¬ 
tion is not free from bias (e_.£_. , in the treatment of 
American civilization). Certain passages suffer from 
Dr. Franzel*s hostile approach to presentday democratic 
systems, which renders his analysis of "mass democracy*' 
quite superficial and makes him neglect democratic 
techniques of control as against the totalitarian 
mechanisms of mass manipulation. The author, now a 
militant protagonist of the conservative wing of politi¬ 
cal Catholicism, has not, however, abandoned his earlier 
("Marxian") interest in technology and economics; he 
has succeeded in presenting a colorful picture of eight 
decades of radical social change. 

(30) Publications of the type discussed are not 
altogether typical of presentday historical writing. 

To a larger extent the market is flooded by books such 
as, e_»£_. , Hans Kramer, Die Grossmachte und die Welt- 
politik 1789 bis 1945 , Innsbruck-Vienna-Munich: Tyrolia, 
1952, pp. 864. IS this bird's-eye view of Great Power 
policies through 160 years, the social and economic 
forces involved in world politics are simply ignored, 
and the treatment of the individual countries® domestic 
problems is disfigured by numerous errors of fact; 
source references and bibliography are missing. To 

Dr. Kramer, an Austrian professor of history, the world 
prior to World War I continued to live on Bismarck's 
heritage of peace; this peaceful era was ended in the 
period between the world wars by the "MacchiaveIlian" 
policies of the Western powers, whom the author charges 
with having unjustly turned against Germany, on the one 
hand, and failed to appease Stalin's Russia, on the 
other. Within this frame of reference, the author be¬ 
trays an odd liking for what he describes as Hitler* s 
fight against the ’'autocrats'* (Churchill, Roosevelt). 
Having gone too far afield, Hitler failed. How, after 
the destruction of llitlerism, peace and international 
justice, according to Dr. Kramer, cannot be established 
unless a neutralizing European power is rebuilt, viz ., 
a Hapsburg monarchy, which then should be united with 
a Greater Germany. 


65 







(31) See, e_*£* * Hellmuth Gunther Dahms, Geschichte 
der Neuen Welt , v* Is Uordamerika von den Anfangen bis 
1800 , Biberachs Hauchler, n*d* L^ re ^ ace dated June 1951j, 
by a German historian* Dr* Dahms, a younger disciple of 
the late Professor Stadelmann, has made good use of a 
multitude of sources, and his voluminous bibliography 

is a good guide through American historical writing (al¬ 
though some more recent source publications are missing). 
Seventeenth century American history is dealt with in 
great detail; there is a cursory analysis of the impor¬ 
tance of religious currents and of "theocratic govern¬ 
ment"; the account of developments leading up to the 
Declaration of Independence iswell-rounded * Social and 
economic trends are discussed; the economic background, 
though, seems too sketchy* 

(32) The recent fifth edition of the widely read 
Catholic history of the Papacy, Joseph Bernhart, Der 
Vatikan als Weltmacht * Geschichte und Gestalt des 

Papstturns , Munich; List, 1951, pp* 412, brings Vatican 
history up to date* While conveying the story of Papal 
power to a less sophisticated reader (without any 
scholarly apparatu^, the book does not fail to discuss 
controversial issues; the divergent viewpoints of the 
various historical schools are presented* The student 
of politics will profit by a survey of the functioning 
and structure of the Curia Romana (concluding chapter;* 

The Church's system of government (viewed as 
societas inaequalis) is thoroughly analyzed, from the 
political as well as legal angle, in Hans Barion [Prof* 
of ecclesiastic history, BonnJ, "Sacra Hierarchia* Die 
Fuhrungsordnung der katholischen Kirche", in Tymbos * * * , 
pp* 18-45* More intensive political or sociological re¬ 
search on the history of the Catholic church has not come 
to the fore* 

One facet--the early medieval church's treat¬ 
ment of Jews--is dealt with by Ernst L* Dietrich, "Das 
Judentum im Zeitalter der Kreuzzuge," in Saeculum (lS52) , 
pp* 94-131 (v* 3, no* l); fairly complete documentation 
from sources tapped by other writers* The author 
stresses the socio-economic causes of anti-Jewish persecu¬ 
tion during the century of Crusades and points to its 
incidence on the attitude and makeup of the Jewish com¬ 
munity, i_*e_* , the beginnings of ghetto history* 

(33) A large-scale study of the French Revolution 
has been undertaken by Martin Gohring, Geschichte der 
Grossen Revolution , Tubingen; Mohr (Siebeck), v* 1; 

Sturz des Ancien regime und Si eg; der Revolution . 1950, 
pp* viii, 403; v* 2s Vom Liberalismus zur Diktatur , 1951, 
pp* viii, 410* The Tubingen historian, now with the 
European History Institute in Mainz, has amassed piles 

of material (partly from original research in Paris 


66 


















archives); the documentation, however, has "been reserved 
for a third volume, which will deal with the period of 
the Directory and the Consulate and present the author's 
general view of the revolutionary process, Following 
the line of previous publications ( Die Feudalitat in 
Frankreich vor und in der Grossen Devolution , Berlin? 
Ehering, 1933, pp, 320; Rabaut Saint-Etienne, ein 
Kampfer an der Wende zweier Epochen , Berlin? Ebering, 

1938, pp a 352; Weg und Sieg der modernen Staatsidee in 
Frankreich , Tubingen? Mohr, 2d ed,, 1947, pp, vi, 285), 
Gohring's present history digs deep into the social back¬ 
ground of the revolution, the functional origin of 
nobility, its recruitment through sale of titles, the 
revolutionary role of secular trends within the clergy, 
and the range of British influences * The study of social 
classes takes an unusually large place (v, l); social 
factors in the background and life stories of the lead¬ 
ing personalities are emphasized (v, 2), Equal impor¬ 
tance is attached to the study of political institutions 
(e>&. , the relationship between church and state) and 
the mechanisms of mass manipulation (especially the 
clubs). In comparison, the economic structure is dealt 
with less satisfactorily; as socio-demographic data are 
missing, taxation and revenue are not given all the 
emphasis required, 

Gohring 5 s valuable contribution is, in a way, 
supplemented by Rudolf von Albertini, Das politische 
Denken in Frankreich zur Zeit Richelieus , Marburg? 

Simons (in the series edited by Herbert Grundmann and 
Fritz Wagner, Beihefte zum Archly fur Kulturgeschichte 9 
no, l), 1951, pp, 220, a less original inquiry into the 
background of absolutism’s political philosophy, with 
emphasis on the noblesse de robe , yet without clarifi¬ 
cation of the impact of the emerging bourgeois economy. 

The book dwells at length upon the idea of government 
by law and, specifically, its institutionalization in 
the Parlements - claim to libre verification of royal acts 
(limitation of the monarch’s sovereign power and viola¬ 
tion of prerogatives of the Stats geneaux) , 

(34) See Michael Freund, Die Grosse Revolution in 
England, Anatomie eines Umsturzes , Hamburg? Klaassen, 
n,cL. [c, 1951j, pp, 592,The first volume, dealing with 
the Great Rebellion, of a series which will extend to the 
Civil War, Commonwealth and Protectorate, and the Restora¬ 
tion, Dr, Freund, an outstanding figure in postwar 
liberal journalism, co-editor of Die Gegenwart and pro¬ 
fessor of sociology at the University of Kiel, attracted 
by Puritan politics and ideas, had written before on the 
idea of tolerance. The present study, not a factual 
chronicle, is primarily concerned with sociological and 
psychological dynamics of revolutions. Dr, Freund does 
not neglect the importance of economic interests, the 


67 




















implications of the seizure of church estates, the profi¬ 
teers’ investments in colonial enterprise, or the pauperi¬ 
zation of the lower classes. Yet he is more interested 
in fatal concatenations of circumstances| fatality thus 
lets society’s workaday life appear pallid and lifeless, 
Essay-like appendices, which take the place of systematic 
references, give an inkling of the wealth of the author’s 
documentation, and indicate the extension of the socio¬ 
political universe he set out to analyze, 

Wolfgang Jahn, ’’Die puritanische Devolution 
und die Leveller-Bewegung, Eine geschichtssoziologische 
Studie uber die Anfange der Demokratie in England,” in 
Schmoller (1950), pp, 447-481 (v, 70, no, 4), 591-618 
(no, 5),681-723 (no, 6), is on a narrower scale, con¬ 
fined to a review of social and political ’’radicalism” in 
seventeenth century Britain, The interdependence of 
political, religious and socio-economic elements is seen 
only in its "barest outline; the evolution of religious 
ideas is scarcely touched upon. The author neglects the 
psychological function of programs and ideas as an 
integrating factor in the revolutionary process, nor 
does he seem familiar with recent British and American 
writings, 

(35) Cf,, , Hans Herzfeld, ’’Die Entwicklung 

des britischen Empires zum Commonwealth of Nations,” in 
GWU (1950), v, 1, pp, 201-216 , a concise outline of 
political and economic change is discussed by Karl Heinz 
Abshagen, Devolution ohne Tranen , Stuttgart? Union 
Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1951, pp, 311, A foreign 
correspondent of long standing (not without Nazi blem¬ 
ishes on his journalistic record), the author has given 
a vivid account of major shifts in British society after 
Labor’s rise to pwer. No scholarly exposition, the book 
draws a broad picture of the governmental process and of 
the social content of politics in Britain, Abshagen has 
caught glimpses of the internal functioning of the parli¬ 
amentary system as a whole and the two major parties, 
nor has he neglected changes in social stratification 
and in the distribution of economic power, the structure 
of political leadership, the trade union elite, and the 
management of nationalized industries. Source references 
are missing; election data (for 1950 only) do not suffice 
for an appraisal of the political trend, 

(36) Cf, Alfred von Martin, ’’Die burgerlich-kapitali- 
stische Dynamik der Neuzeit seit Denaissance und Deforma¬ 
tion,” in HZ_ (1951), v, 172, pp, 37-64, The period is 
seen as just ’’semi-bourgeois,” in opposition to the views 
of Sombart and Max Weber, Early elements of capitalist 
attitudes are traced to Luther and Calvin; the review of 
the later development follows more closely Weber or 
Tawney, and Troeltsch, A literary essay rather than a 


68 




documented study, the paper is typical of a predilection 
for substituting a study of ideas for the investigation 
of social facts, 

(37) Martin Drath, professor of public law, Free 
University of Berlin^ and Justice of the Constitutional 
Court of the Federal Republic, is one of the few 
German scholars of this generation to advocate constant¬ 
ly a return to Max Weber 8 s methods and principles of 
empirical social science in dealing with phenomena of 
law and governments cf. Drath, "Zur Scziallehre und 
Rechtslehre vom Staat, ihren Gebieten und Methoden," in 
Smend » . . , pp. 41-58, The emphasis is on introducing 
concepts patterned after Max Weber®s "ideal type" into 

a realistic science of government. With historians, 
the "ideal type?’ is not overly popular, 

(38) See Walter Bussmann, "Friedrich der Grosse 
im Wandel des europaischen Urteils," in Rothfels ,,, t 
pp, 375-408, an analysis of the image of Frederick II 

in the writings of German, French and English historians. 
The author, who teaches history at the University of 
Gottingen, is concerned with various writers® appraisal 
of the two basic components in Frederick®s politics, 
i^.e^, , the building of an absolutist state and "philo- 
sophical" support of tolerance, enlightenment and free¬ 
dom of thought. Emphasis is on Gerhard Ritter®s praise 
of the humanitarian features in Frederick®s political 
system, and the thesis of G, P, Gooch, the English histo¬ 
rian, to the effect that Frederick’s political system 
should be viewed as a transitional stage between the 
feudal state and modern democratic government, 

(39) Cf, Heinrich Schnee, "Die Hoffinanz und der 
moderne Staat," in Saeculum (1952), pp, 132-160 (v,3, 
no. l); "Die Hoffinanziers Friedrichs des Grossen. Ein 
Beitrag zu Geschichte und System der Hoffaktoren in 
Brandenburg-Preussen," in Schmoller (1952), pp, 67-92 
(v. 72, no. l) and 203-224 (no. 2), These are abstracts 
from an unpublished large-scale study, a product of re¬ 
search in government files (partly destroyed since) 
during the Nazi period. Although Schnee takes exception 
to Sombart’s view of the predominance of Jewish court 
financiers in the building of German absolutist states 
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the evi¬ 
dence he has collected seems to point to the fact that, 
while the emerging* states to a large extent were 
supported by other sources of revenue, the financing 

of the princely courts was not 5 and that the courts 
largely depended on financing by their Jewish agents, 
whom they rewarded by granting them substantial politi¬ 
cal power. In particular, this refers to the reign of 
Frederick II, Frederick William II and Frederick William 
III, Jewish emancipation at the end of the eighteenth 


69 






century, Schnee contends, was primarily due to the in¬ 
fluence of court hankers (otherwise far remote from the 
Jewish community) and to the latters" close alliance 
with the upper strata of the administrative hierarchy* 
Prussia 0 s high bureaucracy was under the sway o£ liberal 
ideas to a larger extent than generally admitted* In 
sponsoring reforms and promoting constitutional rule, 
liberal officialdom was more active in the first half of 
the nineteenth century than was the industrial or 
commercial middle class* Schnee, whose writing is not 
free from antisemitic overtones, occasionally touches 
upon the fusion (not necessarily preceded by baptism) 
of the Jewish financial upper crust with the top ranks 
of the bureaucracy and the court society; this is the 
source of f, Judaization n of the nobility so often exposed 
by National Socialist propaganda* Schnee has not dealt 
with the more intriguing question as to whether the 
"naturalization” of the court financiers speeded up or 
reversed the process of assimilation of the disintegrat¬ 
ing ghetto community* For an interesting sidelight on 
the history of assimilation, see Hans Joachim Schoeps, 
"Gumpertz Levison* Leben und Werk eines gelehrten 
Abenteurers des 18* Jahrhundertsin ZBGG (1952), 
pp© 150 - 161 (v* 4, no* 2)* 

(40) A detailed analysis of the social framework 
within which the Stein reforms were carried out is still 
missing, nor is it provided by the new Stein biography 
by Walter Gorlitz, Stein * Staatsmann und Reformer , 
Frankfurt? Frankfurter Hefte, 1949, pp* 467* Whereas 
various phases in Stein 5 s development and his relation¬ 
ship to the nobility groups with which he was more 
closely connected are examined, the social structure of 
the system Stein tried to remodel after English patterns 
is not* A detailed account of Stein reforms is not tied 
up with the political development before or after* 

The reformer 5 s political philosophy, exempli¬ 
fied in his vision of local self-government by "burghers" 
organized in guilds or corporations, a strange mixture 
of conservatism, medievalism and English notions of 
parliamentary rule, is inquired into by Professor Hans 
Eothfels [of the Universities of Tubingen and Chicago], 
"Stein und die Neugrundung der Selbstverwaltungin 
ZRGG (1948), pp* 210-221, v* 1 (first printed in Arnold 
Bergstrasser, ed*, Deutsche Beitrage zur geistigen Uber - 
lieferung , Chicago? Chicago University Press, 1947)* 

For a description of the intellectual makeup 
of the educated classes of the period, see Wilhelm Treue, 
"Adam Smith in Deutschland* Zum Problem des' 8 Politischen 
Professors 5 zwischen 1776 und 1810/’ in Bothfels * * * . 
pp 0 101-133, a study of the political climate of German 
universities at the turn of the century* 


- 70 - 








(41) See the remarkable study by Fritz Valjavec, 
Hie Entstehung der politischen Stromungen in Deutsche 

land 1770-1815 , Munich: Oldenbourg, 1951, pp* ix, 542, 

Somewhat encumbered by philological pedantry, the 
thoroughly documented study deals with the rebellious 
reactions to "enlightened absolutism," which later 
gave rise to the first articulate expressions of liber¬ 
al and democratic attitudes. The intellectual rebellion 
is linked to eighteenth century intrusion of numerous 
commoners into higher bureaucratic positions, the anti¬ 
nobility resentments of intellectuals tutoring in 
princely and noble families, and the distressed condi¬ 
tion and discontent of the lower officialdom. Im¬ 
portant data are supplied on the remuneration of 
officials in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
and the growth and social consolidation of the bureau¬ 
cratic machine; new material is furnished on the social 
background of readers of liberal or liberalizing 
periodicals, viz , officials, "little people," and 
peasants* Early conservative groupings are traced to 
the nobles' reactions to early liberalism and, especi¬ 
ally, to the secret societies in which it found its 
organizational form, (Analogous developments in 
Austria were treated by the author in an earlier book,) 
Many a detai1 supports the view that early liberalism 
on German soil was sponsored chiefly by certain layers 
of the governmental bureaucracy and, particularly, its 
educated strata, i_*e_, , the middle and top ranks of 
the hierarchy, 

(42) £.•&•> John A, Hawgood, Paul Kirn, Hans 
Scherpner <et al_, , Manner und Ideen der Achtundvierziger 
Bewegung , Frankfurt: Klostermann (in the series Frank¬ 
furter Universitatsreden , no* 2), 1950, pp. 140, papers 
delivered at the University of Frankfurt centenary 
celebration of the 1848 Revolution* 

(43) Karl Griewank, "Ursachen und Folgen des 
Scheiterns der deutschen Revolution von 1848," in HZ_ 
(1950), v. 170, pp, 495-523, discusses the reasons for 
the inadequate treatment of the 1848 revolution in 
German historical literature: bias due to unfavorable 
political reaction to the objectives of the revolution, 
and uncritical acceptance of an anti-revolutionary ver¬ 
sion of events. Revolutionary history should be re¬ 
written, the author argues, outlining a survey of events 
and ideas with particular emphasis (from a liberal point 
of view) on specifics of the German situation, 

A more specialized contribution by Hermann 
Meyer, "Karl Marx und die deutsche Revolution von 1848," 
in HZ*(1951), v* 172, pp, 517-534, is focused on Marx’ 
personal participation in the events of 1848, Based 


71 









chiefly on press research, the study attaches foremost 
importance to Marx 8 socialist revolutionism while play¬ 
ing down his role as the leader of the intransigently 
democratic wing of the revolutionary movement,, (Publi¬ 
cations insisting on the latter aspect, as gleaned from 
unpublished records, e^*£*, documents unearthed by the 
International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, 
or B* Nicol&ievsky and 0„ Manchen-Helfen, Karl Marx t 
New York, 1937, apparently escaped the author's atten¬ 
tion*) 

(44) See, e_*£« , the doctoral thesis by Erwin 
Schuppe, Per Burschenschafter Wolfgang Menzeh Eine 
Quelle zum Verstandnis des Nationalsozialismus , Frank¬ 
furt? Schulte-Bulmke, 1952, pp* 123, a thorough (but 
uninspired) biographical study of Menzel (1798-1873), 
critic, historian and undisputed arbiter of literary 
opinion through the middle decades of the nineteenth 
centjiry* A participant in the early Burschenschaf ten 
and Turner movement , which held sway over the minds of 
the academic youth in the post-Napoleonic era, Menzel 
personified the nationalist and chauvinist current of 
intelligentsia opinion, and indeed later became the 
prophet of furor Teutonicus » racism and antisemitism* 
Although the evolution of Menzel's ideas from Carbonari 
republicanism to an early version of Nazism is followed 
step by step, the social background and the psychologi¬ 
cal stimuli of ethnocentric pan-Germanism in nineteenth 
century liberalism have eluded the author's grasp* 

(45) Cf* Fritz Fischer, M Der deutsche Protestant- 
ismus und die Politik im 19* Jahrhundert, M in HZ_ (1950/ 
1951), v* 171, pp* 473-518, examines the appeal to 
German Protestantism of authoritarian elements in Luther¬ 
an thinking* Unlike its Western counterpart, German 
Protestantism, instead of condemning abuse of power, 
attached the stigma of sin to rebellion against power* 

The consequences of this fatal shift in Protestant 
thinking are analyzed at every crucial turns pre-1848 
period, 1848, era of reaction, reign of Bismarck, 
monarchy's decline, reactionary trends under Weimar* 

(46) Intransigent Protestant conservatism of the 
1840-1870 period--which clashed with Bismarck in the 
1860's and after, and came close to an alliance with 
political Catholicism--!s a central theme in the 
writings of Hans Joachim Schoeps, Jewish historian of 
religion and successful explorer of Ebionitism and early 
Christianity, who holds the chair of Science of Religion 
at the University of Erlangen* 

A recent book by Professor Schoeps, Das 
andere Preussen , Stuttgart? Vorwerk, n*d* [c* 1952], 
pp* 358, offers newly discovered or rediscovered 


72 











information on the founders of the Conservative Party, 
the group around Frederick William IV that launched 
Bismarck on his political career, in particular the 
von Gerlach Brothers, Leopold, the general, and Ernst 
Ludwig, the jurist* The philosophy and theology of 
the latter, for many years ideological head of Prussia's 
Conservatives, is dealt with in great detail; numerous 
unpublished documents from Gerlach family records are 
appended* A biographical essay retraces the work of 
another member of the group, Heinrich Leo* Halle 
historian, noted fete of Young Hegelianism* The Con¬ 
servatives' foreign policy, which adhered to the peace 
pattern of the Holy Alliance in futile opposition to 
the Bismarckian strategy of Prussian expansionism, is 
explored, with new evidence adduced* See also, for 
material on the relationship uetween early Conservatism 
and Bomanticism, H* J* Sch [i*e*, Schoepsj, "Studenten- 
briefe aus der Zeit der Romantik," in ZRGG (l95l), 
pp* 12-23 (v* 3, no* l), and "Brief© Heinrich Leos aus 
dem Vormarz," in ZflGG (1952), pp* 68-77 (v* 4, no* l) 
and 172-179 (no* 277“ 

(47) Otto-Ernst Schuddekppf, Die deutsche Innen- 
politik im letzten Jahrhundert und der‘koaservative 

Gedanke * Die Zusammenhange zwischen Aussenpoli tik , 
innerer Staatsfuhrung und Parteiengeschichte, darge- 

stellt an der Geschichte der Konservativen Partei von 

1807 bis 1918, , Brunswick? Geschichtspadagogischer For- 
schungskreis (in the series edited by Georg Eckert, 
Beitrage zum Geschichtsunterricht , no* 22), 1951, pp* 
132* 


(48) Erich Marcks, Bismarck * Eine Biographie * 
1815-1851 , Stuttgart; Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, n*d* 
[Preface dated April 195l], pp* xxiv, 632* Includes 
Bisroarcks Jugend (21st edition*—first printed 1909) 
and Bismarck 'rund die deutsche Revolution (2d edition-- 
first printed 1940), the latter prepared for publica¬ 
tion by Marck's son-in-law, Willy Andreas, Professor of 
history. University of Heidelberg, who also has added 
bibliographical notes on sources left unexplored by 

the late author* (This appendix lists--without comment- 
a vitriolic denunciation by the Nazis of the "perni¬ 
cious"- influence of Friedrich Julius Stahl, philosopher 
of nineteenth century Prussian conservatism, as the 
ntfm responsible for "the intrusion of Jewish spirit 
into German constitutional and ecclesiastic law*") 

(49) Cf*, in addition to Professor Schoeps 8 s 
Das andere Preussen (n* 46 supra) , his "Der lunge Bis- 
marck als Journalist (UnbekaSntTe Materialien)," in 
ZRGG (1951), pp* 1-12 (v* 3, no* l)* On young Bismarck' 
attitude towards religion, see Reinhold von Thadden- 
Trieglaff, War Bismarck Christ ?, Hamburg? Furche, 1950, 


73 





















pp. 31. A descendant of that Adolf von Thadden who 
sponsored Bismarck's political beginnings, the author-- 
the leading lay spokesman for the Lutheran Church and 
an exponent of the "Confessional Church"’s anti-Nazi 
resistance movement--opens some leaves from family 
chronicles and recollections with intimate glimpses of 
"subjectivist" currents in nineteenth century Prussian 
Protestantism. These are tied up with Bismarck’s re¬ 
served attitude towards institutionalized religion, 
and even with the influence wielded within the Evange¬ 
lical Church--many decades later--by National Socialist 
agitators. (The author, like most of the prominent 
political exponents of the Evangelical Church today, 
who had been connected with anti-Nazi resistance groups, 
adheres to "objectively" valid religious tenets de¬ 
rived from the theology of Karl Barth.) 

(50) Arnold Oskar Meyer, Bismarck . Per Mensch 
und der Staatsmann , Stuttgart? Koehler, n.d. |_c. 1949j , 
pp. 792. In a brief introduction to this posthumous 
edition (the original edition printed in 1943 was de¬ 
stroyed by bombs), Professor Eothfels points out that 
the author’s position "has itself become history." 
Important aspects and problems had not been seen at all 
by the author, who tended to project into the Bismarck 
period attitudes and concepts of a later day. Only 
today, after the Hitlerite catastrophe, Professor Eoth¬ 
fels argues, can Bismarck's ideas and foreign-policy 
maxims be adequately appraised and made use of for the 
conduct of international relations. 

(51) Otto Vossler, "Bismarcks Ethos," in KZ_ 
(1950-51), v. 171, pp. 263-292. 

(52) Werner Eichter, "Pas Bild Bismarcks," in NE 
(1952), pp. 43-53 (v. 63, no. 2). 

(53) Erich Eyck, Bismarck, Erlenbach-Zurich? 
Eentsch, v. I, n.d. [c.~194lj, pp. 679; v. II, n.d. 

[c. 1843J, pp. 630; v. Ill, n.d. [c. 1944], pp. 687. 

(54) Cf. Walter Bussmann, "Zwischen Eevolution und 
Eeichsgrundung. Pie politische Vorstellungswelt von 
Ludwig Bamberger," in Kaehler..., pp. 203-231, a study 
of the emasculation and downfall of German liberalism 
under the impact of Bismarck’s success in forging German 
unity; Bussmann emphasizes in particular Bamberger's 
version of Bismarck’s foreign policy as a legitimate 
substitute for a people's revolution of which the 
Germans had proven incapable. The close affinity of 
liberalism's political demands to Bismarckian policy is 
stressed by Hans Eothfels, "Bismarck und das 19. Jahr- 
hundert, op,. °i ^ » » PP» 233-248. Bismarck’s war against 


74 







Napoleon III, his way of building the edifice of a uni- 
fiedEcich, the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, etc., 
had been in accordance with the liberal program, what- 
ever the gulf that separated Bismarck’s notions of a 
society ’’intermediate type between capitalism and 
socialism” from the liberals’ advocacy of unlimited 
capitalism,, Professor Eothfels’ thesis would have been 
more convincing had he not omitted comment on the 
National Liberals’ support of Bismarck’s polioy of 
capitalist expansion, which was predicated on govern¬ 
ment interference with business, i_.e_. , that very same 
’’intermediate type.” 

(55) For the period of the first rapprochement 
between the liberals and Bismarck, after the constitu¬ 
tional conflict in Prussia, cf. newly discovered docu¬ 
ments in Walter Lipgens, ”Zwei unbekannte Bismarck- 
Briefe 1863 und 1869. Gedanken zum Problem der 
deutschen Innenpolitik,” in HZ. (1952), v. 173, pp. 315- 
324. Conversely, the attitude of ’’unreconstructed”' 
liberals, who, though impressed with Bismarck's inter¬ 
national achievements, were unwilling to bow to his 
"pseudo-constitutional absolutism,” is well symbolized 
by Theodor Mommsen’s, the great historian’s, ultimate 
disgust with German conditions and the moral short¬ 
comings of his generation, as he pillories them— 
spinelessness, servility, political sterility, anti¬ 
semitism, and failure to prevent the military from 
usurping political power. A great number of Mommsen's 
critical, nay, recriminating utterances have been com¬ 
piled and analyzed by Albert Wucher, "Theodor Mommsen 
als Kritiker der deutschen Nation,” in Saeculum (l95l), 
pp. 256-270 (v. 2, no. 2). 

(56) See, e..£. , Heinrich Bornkamm, "Die Staats- 
idee im Kul turkampfin HZ. (1950) , v. 170, pp. 31-72 
and 273-306, a reinterpretation without new evidence. 

(57) Walter Vogel, Bismarcks Arbeiterversicherung . 
Ihre Entstehung im Kraftespiel der Zeit t Brunswick* 
Westermann, 1951, pp. 192. Prior to 1945 the author had 
been in charge of labor legislation and social insurance 
records at the Eeichsarchiv and thus had access to un¬ 
published documentary material. He has compiled some 
interesting data on the discussions preceding govern¬ 
ment action in the field, the attitude of a number of 
top officials, and some personal aspects of Bismarck 
policies, not, however, on the great social and politi¬ 
cal conflicts which were at the base of Bismarckian 
social legislation. Despite the author’s occasional 
allusions to Bismarck’s "Bonapartist” leanings, the 
historical meaning of government interference with both 
labor and capital remains in the shade. Originally 


75 





written in the late years of Nazi rule, the study still 
betrays traces of National Socialist language and ap¬ 
proach# 

(58) Werner Conze , "Friedrich Naumann# Grundlagen 
und Ansatz seiner Politik in der nationalsozialen Zeit 
(1895 bis 1903)," in Kaehler ##.» pp# 355-386# 

(59) Eugen Schiffer, Ein Leben fur den Liberal- 
i smus , Berlins Herbig, n#d# |_c# 1951J , pp® 256# The 
book includes a remarkable study of the character 
structure of William II# The last Kaiser®s constant 
vacillation, his abrupt changes of mind, and his frequent 
depressive moods occasionally verging on nervous break¬ 
down, actually prevented him, Schiffer reasons, from 
exerting substantial influence on the conduct of govern¬ 
ment affairs, particularly in wartime# This thesis is 

in opposition with that developed by the liberal Bis¬ 
marck biographer, Erich Eyck, Das personliche Regiment 
Wilhelm II # Politische G-eschichte des deutschen Kaiser- 
reiches von 1890 bis 1914 , Erlenbach'-Zurichg Rentsch, 
1948, pp# 814# A penetrating criticism of Eyck®s 
version which invests the Kaiser with almost- unlimited 
power, will be found in Ernst Rudolf Huber, "Has 
personliche Regiment Wilhelms II#," in ZRGG (l95l) , 
pp# 134-148 (v# 3, no# 2)# The Kaiser”s utter inabili¬ 
ty to make up his mind and his readiness to give in to 
pressure seem to have been the decisive factors which 
brought about his abdication on November 9, 1918# More 
or less complete information on what actually happened 
on this crucial day at the Kaiser”s headquarters in 
Spa, Belgium, is now available in Kuno Graf Westarp, 

Das Ende der Monarchic am 9# November 1918 # Abschliess- 
ender Bericht nach den Aussagen der Beteiligten , ed# by 
Werner Conze, Stollhamm—Berlins Rausehenbusch, 1952, 
pp# 215# The late Count Westarp, leader of the Conserva¬ 
tive Party until 1918 and of the German National People's 
Party thereafter, had been instrumental in 1919 in 
making the military leaders and civilian advisers who 
had witnessed the events of Spa issue a common statement 
on the Kaiser”s abdication and escape to Holland# The 
purpose was to take the blame of desertion off the 
Emperor's record, without, however, exposing to public 
opprobrium those who had advised him, , specifically. 

Field Marshal Hindenburg# The Joint declaration, which 
deliberately distorted the story, was actually issued 
on July 27, 1919, after many mpnths of negotiations# 

Count Westarp”s book, completed under Nazism, gives a 
full account of the negotiations, assembling and check¬ 
ing against each other the different versions brought 
forth by the dramatis personae # An epilogue by the edi¬ 
tor underscores the ineptitude of the monarchy”s politi¬ 
cal and military leadership responsible for the decisions 


- 76 















the Kaiser was psychologically incapable of making his 
own; Professor Conze’s carefully pondered analysis shows 
the intrinsic weakness of monarchist groupings after 
the collapse of the Hohenzollern Empire hut also points 
out how much the Weimar Republic lacked in integrative 
power to win over the disillusioned supporters of mon¬ 
archic rule, 

(60) Bernhard Guttmann, Schattenriss einer Genera- 
tioru 1888- 919, Stuttgarts Koehler, n.d, |( c'. 1950 1, 

pp» 345 * 

(61) Gustav Mayer, Erinnerungen , Vom Journalisten 

zum Historiker der deutschen Arheiterbewegung . Munich: 
Zwolf, n.d. L ori g ina lly issued in Switzerland, c. 19491. 
pp. 376 * J 

(62) Emil Herz, Denk ich an Deutschland i n der 
Nacht . Die Geschichte des Hauses Steg~ Berlin: Druck- 
haus Tempelhof, 1951, pp* 330* In addition to personal 
recollections, the author supplies the story of a German- 
Jewish family from around 1800 to this day, an informa¬ 
tive contribution to the study of Jewish assimilation 
and the problem of antisemitism a 

(63) Cf. Hans Joachim Schoeps, ,T Neue Bismarckiana 
1851-1854,” in ZRGG (l952), oo pp. 166-170 (v. 4, no. 2); 
Walter Lipgens, ’’Bisraarcks Osterreichpolitik vor 1866,” 
in DWG (1950), pp. 240-262 (v. 10, no. 4). 

(64) Fritz Jaffe, ’’War Bismarcks Politik prorus- 
sisch?in AP (l95l), pp» 613-622 (v. 2, no. 9). 

(65) Theodor Schieder, ’’Bismarck und Europa. Ein 
Beitrag zum Bismarck-Problem,” in Rothfels ..., pp. 15-40. 

(66) Gerhard Ritter, ’’Grossdeutsch und kleindeutsch 
im 19. Jahrhundert,” in Kaehler ..., pp. 177-201. 

(67) Germany® s colonial and international relations 
are vigorously defended by the Gottingen historian, Percy 
Ernst Schramm. His bulky Deutschland und Ubersee . Der 
deutsche Handel mit den anderen Kontinenten, insbesondere 

Afrika, von Karl V. bis zu Bismarck . Ein Beitrag zur 
Geschichte der Rivalitat im Wirtschaftsleben , Brunswick: 
Westermann, 1950, pp. 639* a solid study with copious 
source references and many maps, presents Germany’s colo¬ 
nial expansion into Africa mainly as the story of the 
trader’s effort to stimulate the flow of commodities. 
Although Professor Schramm does not minimize German- 
British rivalry, which accompanied promotion of colonial 
trade, his presentation makes German imperialism look 
innocuous and peace-loving. (The specific story of German- 


77 

















British, relations is to he told in a later volume,,) The 
same author’s "Deutschlands Verhaltnis zur englischen 
Kultur nach der Begrundung des Weuen Seiches,” in Kaehr 
ler * * *, pp* 289-319, traces the development of German 
attitudes towards England from pronounced Anglomania in 
the 1840’s and 1850’s to suspicion and envy at the 
turn of the century* The development is shown in juris¬ 
prudence, helles - lettres , science, linguistics, and 
other fields* The underlying theme is gradually in¬ 
creasing British competition, the culprit that made 
for deterioration of the German public’s attitude* The 
facts Professor Schramm marshals lack the quality of 
foolproof evidence; quantitative content analysis of 
political writings no less than of works of fiction and 
mass-circulation magazines would seem required to prove 
his thesis--or the opposite. The same goes for Professor 
Schramm’s corollary study on the appreciation of German 
culture in British opinion, ’’Englands Verhaltnis zu 
deutscher Kultur zwischen der Reichsgrundung und der 
Jahrhundertwende,” in Bothfels .* * , pp, 125-175* 

(68) Between 1885 and 1906 leadership in world 
politics, according to some writers, had passed into the 
hands of a few world powers, of which Germany was not 
one* It is argued that Germany’s military and political 
leaders, fully aware of the Reich’s weakened position, 
did their best to confine possible conflagrations to a 
narrowly limited range* Thus, Peter Eassow, ’’Schlieffen 
und Holstein,” in HZ_ (1952), v* 173, pp* 297-313, holds 
that the German General Staff’s operational planning 
from Moltke and Waldersee down to Schlieffen did not, 
contrary to the accepted version, envisage a two-pronged 
war* The Schlieffen plan, he asserts, was aimed exclu¬ 
sively at war in the west, and only personal influences 
in the leadership of the Reich turned a cautiously de¬ 
fensive strategy into an adventurous scheme of waging war 
both in the west and in the east in order that a world 
conflict give Germany the chance to become a world power* 
And the government of the Reich, unlike Bismarck’s, 
lacked strength and courage to impress upon the German 
public the urgency of another ”0limitz»” 

(69) Carl Severing, Mein Lebensweg , vol* Is Vom 
Schlosser zum Minister , pp* 466; vol* IIs Im Auf und Ab 
der Republik , pp* 526, Cologne: Greven, n * d * |_ c * 1950 j , 

(70) Por a one-sided version of the origin and 
functioning of right-wing paramilitary organizations, 
see the recollections of a leading participant, Gerhard 
Rossbach, Mein Weg durch die Zeit * Erinnerungen und 
Bekenntnisse , Weilburg: Vereinigte Weilburger Buch- 
druckereien, 1950, pp* 240. Rather close for many years 
to National Socialism, Rossbach has a great deal to say 


78 













about a number of Nazi leaders, from whom after 1933 
he seems to have separated for personal reasons. He 
supplies details on the relationship between the ’’Free 
Corps and the official army of the Weimar Republic 
and sheds some light on the mental makeup of those 
World War.I officers who after 1918 joined the semi¬ 
legal military organizations. According to Rossbach, 
no antidemocratic movement would have arisen among 
younger people in the early years of Weimar had the 
Social Democrats only known how to appeal to the dis¬ 
possessed and dislocated youth of the educated classes 

(7l) Gustav Radbruch, Per Innere Weg. Aufriss 
meines Lebens , Stuttgart; Koehler, n.d. [c. 1951J, pp. 


(72) Anna Siemsen, socialist educator, historian 
of literature and political writer, who died last year 
in Hamburg, after many years of exile under Nazism, 
was made of different stu’jff. A bitter critic of 
official Social Democratic policies, she had antici¬ 
pated the tr,iumph of Nazism and had untiringly advo¬ 
cated a change of the course steered by the party 
leadership. Regrettably, her biography from the pen 
of the brother, August Siemsen, Anna Siemsen., Leben 
und Werk , Hamburg—Frankfurt; Europaische Verlagsan- 

*fetalt, n.d. [Preface dated July 195l], pp. 227, is a 
personal document rather than a political study. 

(73) [Gustav Dahrendorf, ed.] Ein Mann geht 
seinen Weg . Schriften, Reden und Briefe von Julius 
Leber , Berlin--Frankfurt: Mosaik, n.d. [c. 1952J, pp. 
296. 


(74) Kurt Hiller, Kopfe und Tropfe . Profile aus 
ejnem Vierteljahrhundert , Hamburg--Stuttgart 1 Rowohlt, 
1950, pp. 404. 

(75) Max Miller, Eugen Bolz . Staatsmann und Be- 
kenner, Stuttgart; Schwabenverlag, 1951, pp 8 ix, 564. 

(76) Otto Mei ssner, Staatssekretar unter Ebert , 
Hindenburg, Hitler . Per Schicksalsweg des deutschen 
Volkes von 1918-1945» wie ich ihn erlebte , Hamburg; 
Hoffmann and Campe,n.d. [c.1950J, pp. 643. For dis¬ 
cussion, see M. F. [j^. e^. , Michael Freund], ”Der Mann 
ohne Gedachtnis (Dr. Otto Meissner),” in Die Gegenwart 
(1951), v, 6, no. 3, pp. 7-9. A few glimpses of the 
family and social background of Weimar’s high official¬ 
dom may be gleaned from Hans-Otto Meissner [the Staats 
sekretar ’s son], So schnell schlagt Deutschlands Herz , 
Giessen; Bruhl, n.d. [c. 195lj, pp. 306. 


79 


























(77) This attitude finds an authentic expression 
in Friedrich Schmidt-Ott, Erlebtes und Erstrebtes * 

I860-—1950 , Wiesbadens Steiner, n*d* |_c* 1952J, pp* 

332.* Prussian Minister of Education until 1918, Schmidt- 
Ott resigned from government service after the revolution 
and became the head of the Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen 
Wissenschaft, government- and industry-financed and 
government-directed foundation which, throughout the 
Weimar era, sponsored most of the scientific research 
conducted in Germany and huilt a number of scholarly in¬ 
stitutions a Working in close contact with the higher 
ranks of Weimar’s bureaucracy, Schmidt-Ott, a school¬ 
mate and friend of the last Kaiser and a convinced 
monarchist, served at the same time as chairman of the 
board of directors of the Bayer chemical and pharmaceuti¬ 
cal concern and subsequently as a director of the I* G* 
Farben trust (of which Bayer had become one of the major 
components)* The story of his life portrays the mentali¬ 
ty of the Empire’s ruling groups, which retained a posi¬ 
tion of considerable power under the Republic* Schmidt- 
Ott” s memoirs fail to mention the Nazi dictatorship and 
do not in any way take note of the fact that substantial 
changes had occurred in Germany between 1933 and 1945; 
nor does Schmidt-Ott make any allusion to the fate of 
scores of his friends, colleagues and collaborators 
dismissed from office and driven out of Germany, if not 
killed, by the National Socialist government* 

(78) No new history of the Weimar Republic has 
been written* Karl Mielcke, Geschichte der Weimarer 
Republik , Brunswicks Limbach, 1951 (in the series Bei- 
trage zum Geschichtsunterricht » no* 23), pp* 150, a 
text for the use of teachers, gives only a bare skeleton 
of the development* Based on secondhand sources, it is 
disappointing in its treatment of social and economic 
trends* The author’s Dokumente zur Geschichte der Wei¬ 
marer Republik (same series, no* 24), pp* 110, is a 
collection of documents serving to corroborate the points 
made in the foregoing book, particularly the view that the 
disintegration of the Republic was largely due to Allied 
policies * 

(79) Franz Mariaux, ed 9 , Paul Silverberg * Reden 
und Schriften , Colognes Xolner Universitatsverlag, 1951, 
pp* lxxxvii, 244* 

(80) Friedrich Glum, ’’Ideologische und soziologische 
Voraussetzungen fur die Entstehung von Nationalismus und 
Nationalsozialismus,” in NR (1952), pp* 64-92 (v* 63, no*2)* 

(81) Armin Mohler, Die konservative Revolution in 
Deutschland. 1918-1932 * Grundriss ihrer Wei tans cb^uungen , 


80 - 
















Stuttgart: Vorwerk, 1950, pp. 288. 

(82) Karl Dietrich Bracher, ’’Auflosung einer Demo- 
kratie. Das Ende der Weimarer Bepuhlik als Forschungs- 
problem, 11 in Faktoren . . . . pp„ 39-98. 

(83) Julius Curtius, Der Yo ung-Plan. Entstellung 
und Wahrheit , Stuttgart: Mittelhach, 1950, pp. 122. For 
a more detailed survey of diplomatic and administrative 
negotiations around the problem of reparations from 1917 
through 1933, see Hans Eonde, Von Versailles bis Lau¬ 
sanne » Per Verlauf der Eeparationsverhandlungen nach 
dem ersten Weltkrieg , Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1950, pp 0 
xii, '211. A high official in the Eeich Ministries for 
the Occupied Eegions and for Economic Affairs under 
Weimar, the author has collated a great many documents 
accompanied "by statistical data. His comment, however, 
is practically confined to chronological recapitulation 
of events and editorial introduction. 

(84) See, , Ludwig Dehio, n Deutschland und 

die Epoche der Weltkriege," in HZ (1952), v. 173, pp. 
77-94. 


(85) Henry Picker, Hitlers Tischgesprache im 
Fuhrerhauptquartier 1941-42 , selected, provided with an 
introduction and published by Gerhard Eitter on behalf 

of the Deutsches Institut fur die Geschichte der national 
sozialistischen Zeit, Bonn: Athenaum, 1951, pp. 463. For 
critical comment, see Hannah Arendt, ”Bei Hitler zu 
Tisch, M in Der Monat , pp. 85-90 (v. 4, no. 37, October 
195l). So far only one more book has been published by 
the Deutsches Institut, Hermann Foertsch, Schuld und 
Verhangnis . Die Fritsch-Krise im Fruh.jahr 1938 als 
Wendepunkt in der Geschichte der nationalsozialistischen 

Zeit , Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1951, pp. 239. 
A study by an officer formerly on the staff of the Eeichs 
wehr Ministry, the book was written at the suggestion of 
the Munich Institute but apparently not under its super¬ 
vision. 

(86) For a bibliography of recent books of memoirs 
and publications on current history, see Georg Stadt- 
muller, "Der Weg in die deutsche Katastrophe (1933-1945), 
in HA (1951), pp. 65-74 (v. 6, no. 2). 

(87) Eudolf Diels, Lucifer ante portas : ... es 
spricht der erste Chef der Gestapo , Stuttgart: Deutsche 
Verlags-Anstalt, 1950, pp. 451. 

(88) Hildegard Springer, ed_. , Es sprach Hans 
Fritzsche . Each Gesprachen, Briefen und Dokumenten , 
Stuttgart: Thiele, 1949. pp. 335. 


81 























(89) Paul Schmidt, Statist auf diplomat!scher 
Buhne 1923-45 * Erlehnisse des Chef do lmet sellers im Aus- 
wartigen Amt mit den Staatsmannern Europas , Bonn: 
Athenaum, 1950, pp. 607. 

(90) Otto Ahetz, Das offene Problem , Ein Ruckblick 
auf zwei Jahrzehnte deutscher Frankreichpolitik . Intro¬ 
duction by Ernst Achenbach, Cologne: Greven, 1951, pp. 
330. 


(91) Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk, Es geschah in 
Deutschland . Menschenbilder unseres Jahrhunderts , Tii- 
bingen--Stuttgart; Wunderlich--Leins, 1951, pp. 384. 

(92) Ernst von Weizsacker, Erinnerungen (Richard von 

Weizsacker, ed.), Munich? List, 1950, pp. 391. , 

(93) Erich Kordt, Nicht aus den Akten. .. Die Wil- 
helmstrasse in Frieden und Krieg . Erlebnisse, Begegnungen 
und Eindrucke, 1928-1945 , Stuttgart: Union, 1950, pp. 

443; cf. his earlier Wahn und Wirklichkeit. Die Aussen- 
politik des Dritten Reiches. Versuch einer Darstellung 
(editorial collaboration, Karl Heinz Abshagen), Stuttgart: 
Union, 1948, pp. 431, the first documentary study of 
German foreign policy under Nazism. 

(94> Enno von Rintelen, Mussolini als Bundesgenosse . 
Erinnerungen des deutschen Militarattach.es in Rom 1936- 

1943 , Tubingen--Stuttgart: Wunderlich--Leins , n .d. [_ c. 

1951J, pp. 265. 

(95) Karl Heinz Abshagen, Canaris . Patriot und 
Wei tblirger , Stuttgart? Union, 1950, pp. 411, based on 
material supplied by friends and fellow workers of the 
Admiral, furnishes informative data on the relations be¬ 
tween the Counter Intelligence, on the one hand, and the 
Reich Ministry of Foreign Affairs and, particularly, the 
Gestapo, on the other. Touches but lightly upon Canaris 1 
plotting against the Weimar Republic; the social back¬ 
ground of that anti-Nazi conspiratorial group of which 
Canaris was the inspirer was different from that of other 
resistance groups; regrettably, the author has not much 
to say about it. 

(96) There is no exact analysis of public opinion 
trends in the years preceding the outbreak of the war in"' 
1939, the very years in which the upper-crust resistance 
people began to take a hostile position towards Nazi for¬ 
eign policy. There are, however, a few studies on the 
factual framework of British-German relations, pointing 
to the ignorance in which the German public was kept by 
Nazi propaganda (an ignorance not in any way pierced by 
those high-ranking diplomats of the regime who were 


82 



























aotivc in resistance groups) and the gullibility of 
British statesmen (especially in regard to Hitler's 
treatment of Poland, which they bdlieved to be peaceful 
and conciliatory) . See, e_.£. , Eudolf Stadelmann, 
Deutschland und England am Vorabend des zweiten Welt- 
kriegs," in Ritter .. a . pp. 401-428. 

(97) Apart from numerous books of memoirs and 
Hans Eothfels, Die deutsche Opposition gegen Hitler . 

Eine Wurdigung , Krefeld? Scherpe, 1949, pp. 253, an 
enlarged German edition of his The German On-position 

to Hitlers An Appraisal . Hinsdale, Ill.: Regnery, 1948, 
no thorough analysis of the resistance movement has 
been supplied. A critical appraisal of personal docu¬ 
ments originating with participants and observers, most 
of which were published in the early postwar years, will 
be found in Edgar Salin [professor of history, Basle], 
’’Die Tragodie der deutschen Gegenrevolution (Bemerkungen 
uber den Quellenwert der bisherigen Widerstandslitera- 
tur),” in ZRGG (1948), pp. 193-206 (v. 1, no. 3). 

(98) Ernst von Harnack had been one of these. He 
was born into the family of one of the most famous 
scholars of the Imperial era, theologian, historian and 
social reformer. As the son of a man upon whom the 
Kaiser's government heaped the highest honors, Harnack 
was brought up within the ranks of the intellectual elite 
of the Kaiserreich’s ruling class. Under the impact of 
the first World War, he had joined the Social Democratic 
Party, rising rapidly to high positions in the admini¬ 
strations. A civil service technician of renown, he 

was also a pioneer in the field of public administration 
research. His career was stopped abruptly by the Nazis 
(who, however, left him the benefit of a retirement 
pension). During the war Harnack was drawn into the 
circles of active conspirators* was jailed after the 
abortive revolt of July 20, 1944, condemned to death, 
and executed on March 5, 1945. His biography by the 
brother. Axel v. Harnack, Ernst von Harnack (1888-1945) . 
Sin Kampfer fur Deutschlands Zukunft , Schwenningen: 
Neckar--Holzhauer, 1951, pp. 78, gives a conscientious 
account of the family background and the development 
of Harnack’s ideas but leaves out the events and trends 
which resulted in the political emasculation and the 
ultimate downfall of the upper-class intelligentsia 
reared in the atmosphere of Prussia’s high-ranking 
officialdom. Harnack, the socialist, like thousands 
of others put to death by the Hitlerites for having 
talked, not acted, rebellion, through eleven years 
of Nazi terror had lived as a retired scholar under 
wraps--until he became an active member of that conspi¬ 
racy which the Nazi executioners brought to an end in 
bloody reprisals. 


83 










(99) Ernst v® Salomon, Per Fragebogen , Hamburgs Bo- 
wohlt, 1951, pp® 808® The avowedly autobiographical 
novel makes use of an ingenious techniques the author 
supplies his answers to that extensive - denazification 
questionnaire which millions of Germans in the United 
States zone of occupation had to fill in, adding 
philosophy, sociology and political analysis to the facts 
of his life and ridiculing wherever he can the M insipidi- 
ty M of the questionnaire method for solving a problem in 
political morality and intellectual readjustments 

(100) Hans Carossa, Ungleiche Weltens lebensberlcht; 

Ein Tag im Spatsommer 1947 , no place |_ Wiesbaden? J s In- 
sel, 1951, pp® 339s 

(101) See, e_®£.® , Leopold von Wiese, "Die Sozial- 
wissenschaften und die Eortschritte der modernen Kriegs- 
technik,*’ in Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Litera¬ 
ture Abhandlungen der Geistes- und So zi alwissenschaft- 
lichen Kiasse , 1950, pp 0 1175-1187, suggesting social 
science laboratory research with a view to investigating 
(a) imperfections in human relations which result in 
increased demands upon military technology; (b) the set¬ 
up of production of power to the extent that it furthers 
collectivization or nationalization of public utilities 
and industrial enterprise; and (c) the psychological 
effect the prevalence of huge social machines has on 

the human mind and the individual’s reactions® Cf® also 
Herbert von Borch, n Politische Paradoxien des Atomzeit- 
alters," in AP (l95l), pp„ 459-470 (v, 2, no, 7). 

(102) Rudolf Stadelmann, Moltke und d6r Staat . Kre- 
felds Scherpe, 1950, pp® xv, 566® With comprehensive 
bibliography and an index® 

(103) Walter Gorlitz, Der deutsche Generalstab ® 
Geschichte and Gestalt 1657--1945 ,, Frankfurtg Frank- 
furter Hefte, n®d® [l950j, pp® ix, 708® With useful 
charts showing the organizational structure of the Gener¬ 
al Staff, and a bibliography® The sources have been put 
to good use in a detailed narrative® Source references, 
however, are missing throughout® As the main body of 
the study deals with the Nazi period, the nature of the 
evidence eludes verification; this detracts from the 
value of a book of considerable political importance® 

(104) Gerhard Hitter, ,T Las Yerhaltnis von Politik 
und Kriegfuhrung im bismarckschen Belch, H in Hothfels ® ® ®, 
pp® 69-97® Certain aspects of the conflicts between 
political and military leaders under the Kaiserreich-- 
especially with reference to the struggle around Great 
Admiral Tirpitz® naval construction programs-- are recalled 
by a fanatical believer in a super-navy, Wilhelm Widenmann, 


84 - 












tache an der kaiseriich-d.eutsch.en Botschaft in 

London 1507-1912 . Introduction by W, Hubatsch, Gottingen 

Musterschmidt (Tn the series Gottinger Beitrage fur 
Gegenwartsfragen , v. 4) , 1952, pp, 325, The author, who 
used to submit his views directly to Willi&m II without 
consulting the government, is satisfied that a greater 
and better equipped navy would have saved Germany from 
defeat in World War I had it prevented the outbreak of 
hostilities by intimidating England’s political leaders,, 
The Introduction by Professor Hubatsch (of the Universi¬ 
ty of Gottingen) reasons along similar lines, stating 
that Germany, isolated as she was, was compelled to ask 
for guarantees before considering a reduction in naval 
armaments which the British government hoped for, 

(105) Hans Herzfeld, Das Problem des deutschen 
Heeres 1919-1545 , Laupheim! Steiner (in the series edi- 
ted by Hellmuth Gunther Dahms, Geschichte und Politik , 
Eine wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe , no, 6), n,d, 
[distributed in 1952J, pp, 24, 

(106) Kurt Assmann, Deutsche Schicksalsjahre , 
Historische Bilder aus dem zweiten Weltkrieg und seiner 

Vorgeschichte » Wiesbaden; Brockhaus, 1950, pp, 568, 

(Some of the material appeared in 1949-50 in U t S, Naval 
Institute Proceedings and Foreign Affairs Quarterly ,) 
With numerous maps, bibliography, index, and a glossary 
of technical terms, 

(107) Kurt von Tippelskirch, Geschichte des zweiten 
Weltkrieges , Bonn; Athenaum, 1951, pp, xv, 731, With 
maps, a chronology of military events, and reference 
material, 

(108) Helmuth Greiner, Die oberste Wehrmachtfuhrung 
1939-1943 , Wiesbaden; Limes, n,d, [c, 1951J, pp* 444, 

(109) Walter Gorlitz, Der Zweite Weltkrieg , 1939- 
1945 , Stuttgart; Steingruben, vol, I, n,d, [c, 1951J, 
pp, 623; vol, II, n,d, [c, 1952], pp, 624, With a 
number of maps and charts, and an index of names in vol, 
II; no topics are indexed, and the reader is left to 
his own devices, as is the habitual procedure of German 
publishers these days. The author follows the pattern 
of his previous publications, omitting notes and source 
references, [One wonders what standards of scholarship 
will be preserved if such combined efforts of authors 
and publishers to destroy the reference value of books 
and the chances for verifying the evidence submitted 
continue for any length of time,] 


85 























(110) See, e_,£, , Heinz Guderian, Errinnerungen 
eines Soldaten 6 Heidelberg? Vowinckel, 1951, pp« 

426, memoirs of the man who "built Hitler 0 s armored 
divisions,. General Guderian had "been one of those 
younger technicians” who fought the old army com¬ 
mand as a ’’reactionary "bunch” and thus made it easy 
for the Nazi Party to drive a wedge into the officer 
corps and sap its resistance. Later on, Guderian, 
twice fired "by Hitler for insubordination, came to 
realize that the one-party dictatorship was of evil 
"but refused to take part in anti-Nazi groups on 

the grounds that a soldier had to stick to the oath 
he had taken. Today Guderian does not hesitate 
to engage in political propaganda in support of 
extreme militarism and nationalism. He "belongs to 
the same camp as former Colonel General Franz Hai¬ 
der, Chief of Staff of the Army until 1942, who as 
early as 1950 advocated the setting-up of youtji 
leagues that in fighting Communism would do away 
with the ’’narrow-mindedness” of political parties 
and rid themselves of the stultifying influence of 
Weimar patterns! see Peter Bor [i_»e_» , Paul Luth], 
Gesprache mit Haider , Wiesbaden? Limes, 1950, pp, 
267 , 

General Haider’s 1950 ghostwriter, who 
takes an active part in the organization of youth 
leagues of a veiled political complexion, has mean¬ 
while developed a program of resistance to Com¬ 
munism, demanding that the citizen become a guer¬ 
rilla fighter and pleading for the infiltration of 
resistance fighters into the ranks of totalitarian 
parties; see Paul Luth, Burger und Partisan , Uber 
den Widerstand gestern, heute und morgen , Frankfurt? 
Parma, n,d, [c, 1951J, pp, 78, No scholarly apprai¬ 
sal of such ideologies has been forthcoming, 

(111) Friedrich Hossbach, Zwischen Wehrmacht 
und Hitler, 1934-1958 , Wolf enblittel—Hannover? 

Wolfenbuttier Verlagsanstalt, 1949, pp, 224, 

(112) Adolf Heusi nger, Befehl im Widerstreit , 
Schicksalsstunden der deutschen Armee 1925-1945 , 

Tubingen—Stuttgart? Wunderlich--Leins , n,d, [c, 

1950], pp, 396, 

(113) See Hugo C, Backhaus [pen name], Wehr- 
kraft im Zwiespalt , Zur Psychologie der Besiegten , 
Gottingen? Gottinger Verlagsanstalt, n,d, [ c, 1952*], 
pp, 102, The author is said by the publisher to 

be a university professor who during the war had 1 
held a high position in the armed forces. The book, 
prefaced by Maurice Bardeche, recently sentenced 
to jail by a French court for having glorified 


86 
















bloodshed and violence, is a violent diatribe against 
Western Germany 1 s political system, the "non-enti- 
ties appointed by the Western powers to lord it 
over the people, and all anti-Nazis* the latter stig- 
as tile Allies* collaborators in the slaying 
of the conservative and the revolutionary leadership 
groups of the German people.” The program of Con¬ 
servative Revolution” reappears, coupled with the 
praise of the ”loyal opposition within the National 
Socialist leadership stratum,” and an appeal to the 
national elite to uphold the justified elements of 
National Socialist tradition in order that the build¬ 
ing of a new army led by politically clearsighted 
officers may become possible in the future * Less 
outspoken, a similar attitude is taken by Werner 
Picht, Vom Wesen des Krieges und vom Kriegswesen der 
Deutschen , 2d edition, Stuttgart? Vorwerk, n»d, 

L c <* 1952J , pp. 267, who extols the virtues of the 
w warrior” while predicting that a new type of fight¬ 
ing man will emerge in the future as the nineteenth 
century "soldier” type has become obsolete, 

(114) Cf, Gunther Blumentritt, Deutschlands 
Soldatentum im europaischen Rahmen , Giessen? West- 
union, 1952, pp. 72, a former general who emphasizes 
the urgency of a democratic organization of Western 
defense in terms of a democratic system of govern¬ 
ment . 

(115) Adelbert Weinstein, Armee ohne Pathos . 

Die deutsche Wiederbewaffnung im Urteil ehemaliger 

Soldaten , Bonn: Kolien, 1951, pp, l(p5. With a com¬ 

mendable index and an appendix supplying biographi¬ 
cal data on former army men now taking part in the 
discussion of defense issues, 

(116) Hans Rothfels, Gesellschaftsform und aus- 
wartige Politik , Laupheiml Steiner (in the series, 
edited by Dr, Hellmuth Bunther Dahms, Geschichte 
und Politik , Eine wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe 9 
no, 5), n,d, [lecture delivered in July 1951J, pp, 

25. Cf. similar approach, with emphasis on problems 
of international law, in Heinrich Heffter, ”Vom 
Primat der Aussenpolitik,” in HZ_ (l95l), v. 171, 

pp. 1-20. 

(117) Wilhelm Wolfgang Schutz, Qrganische 
Aussenpolitik . Vom Einzelstaat zUm Uberstaat , 
Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1951, pp. 216, 
and Deutschland am Rande zweier Welten . Voraus- 
setzungen und Aufgabe unserer Aussenpolitik , Stutt¬ 
gart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, n.d. [c. 1952], pp. 
116. 


87 




















(118) Carl Schmitt, Her Homos der Erde im Volke- 
recht des Jus Publicum Europaeum , Cologne? Greven, 
1950, pp, 308, For discussion, see Jurgen von 
Kempski, ”Carl Schmitts Mythos der Landnahme,” in 

Merkur (1952) , pp, 491-495 (v, 5, no, 5/39)$ Karl 
F, Borries, ”Der Advokat des Faschismus, Die 
faschistische Staatsideologie im Werke Carl Schmitts,” 
in kktion , 1951, no, 5, pp, 12-19, 

(119) See, inter alia , Alfred Verdross, Volker- 
recht 9 2d, revised ed,, Vienna? Springer, 1950, pp a 
508; Georg Stadtmuller, Geschichte des Volkerrechts , 
Part 15 Bis zum Wiener Kongress (l815) , Hanover; 
SchroedeT (in the series edited "by Beinhart Maurach, 
Neue Beitrage zur Eechtswissenschaft) , n,d, [c, 1951J, 
pp, 219, Appeal to natural law concepts prevails 
likewise in less scholarly publications? typical 
Bainer Barzel. Souveranitat und Freiheit , Eine 

Streitschrift , Cologne? Pick, 1950, pp, 90, an 
eclectic combination of ideas derived from Catholic 
doctrine, Kantian political philosophy,and recent 
hyper-conservative criticism of Eousseau, 

(120) To cite only a few, Hermann Jahrreiss, 
’’Staatssouveranitat und Frieden,” in Kaufmann ,,,, pp* 
163-180; Walter Jellinek, "Kritische Betrachtungen 
zur Volkerrechtsklausel in den deutschen Verfassungs- 
urkunden,” o£, ci t , , pp, 181-190; Herbert Kruger, 
”Volkerrecht im Bundesstaat,” ojq 9 cit , , pp, 239-248; 
Hans-Jurgen Schlochauer, ”Das erste Gubachten des 
Internationalen Gerichtshofes ,” ojd, cit , , pp, 331- 
352; Hansjorg Jellinek, Per automsbische Erwerb und 
Verlust der Staatsangehorigkeit durch volkerrecht- 

liche Vorgange, zugleich ein Beitrag zu der Xehre 

von der S taatensukzession ,, Berlin'? Heymann (in the 

series Beitrage zum auslandischen offentlichen Becht 
und Volkerrecht , no, 27), 1951, 

(121) See, e_,£, , Karl Albrecht, Probleme und 
Methoden der wirtschaftlichen Integration , Kiel? 
Institut fur Weltwirtschaft(in theseries Kieler 
Vortrage , N, F, , no, l), 1951, pp, 25, The Kiel 
Institut fur Weitwirtschaft is one of the few research 
organizations concentrating on international economic 
problems. Its semiannual surveys of world economics. 
Die Weltwirtschaft , give serious attention to the 
economic implications of political develbpments, 

(122) Hans von Hentig, Der Friedensschluss , 

Geist und Technik einer verlorenen Kunst , Stuttgart? 
Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, n,d, |_c, 1952J, pp, 319, 

The technique of peace parleys is illustrated by 


88 - 






























numerous episodes and anecdotes; there are, however, 
inaccuracies and errors of fact, nor is the selection 
of the material "based on systematic criteria. What 
"the French call la petite histoire overflows. 

See, e_,£, , Emil Schafer, Von Potsdam "bis 
Bonn, Fiinf Jahre deutsche Nachkriegsgeschichte , 

Portrat, Zeittafel und Dokumentation 1945-1950 , Lahrs 
Schauenhurg, 1950, pp, 239; Wolfgang Abendroth, '«Die 
Diskussion uber gesamtdeutsche Wahlen, Uberein- 
stimmung und Gegensatz in den Gesetzentwurfen von 
Bonn und Pankow," in EA (1952), pp, 4781-4794 (v, 7, 
no, 6), and ,f Die gegenwartige volkerrechtliche Be- 
deutung des Potsdamer Abkommens vom 2, August 1945,” 
QP . cit , , pp, 4943-4955 (no, ll), 

(124) See, !( e , Kurt Borries, ,r Die grossen 

Machte und das Problem der deutschen Einheit, ,f in 

(l95l) , pp, 268-278 (v, 2, no, 4); Eugen Kogon, 
”Funfter Akt im europaischen Schauspiel - Darin 
Deutschland,” in III (1952), pp, 481-506 (v, 7, no, 

7), with a detailed chronology of events from early 
1946 to the outbreak of the Korean conflict, 

(125) Among such publications, documentary 
studies of the University of Hamburg”s Forschungs- 
stelle fur Volkerrecht und auslandisch.es offent- 
liches Eecht should be mentioned, e_,£, , E, Menzel, 
comp , , Die niederlandischen Gebietsforderungen gegen- 
uber Deutschland seit 1945 , Bechtsgutachten „ mimeog,, 
Hamburg, 1950, pp, 41; Erik Udahl, comp,, Die Sud- 
fechleswig-Frage seit 1945> Chronologie und Dokumenten - 

zusammens tel lung t mimeog,, Hamburg, 1951, pp, 36 ; 
Hermann Aubin and Eberhard Menzel, Die niederland - 
ischen Anspruche auf die Emsmundung , Hamburgs NoIke, 
1951, pp, 87, etc, 

(126) Eichard Monnig, Amerika und England im 
deutschen, osterreichischen und schweizerischen 

Schrifttum der Jahre 1945-1949 , Eine Bibliographie , 
Stuttgarts Kohlhammer, 1951 9 pp, ix, 259, (The 
bibliography lists 4,406 titles,) 

(127) Cf, Herbert von Dirksen [formerly Ambassa¬ 
dor to Moscow, London and Tokyo], Diplomatic , Wesen , 
Bolle und Wandlung , Nuremberg? Abraham (in the series 
Nurnberger Eechts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Vor - 

trage und Schriften , no, 3), 1950, pp, 24; Friedrich 

W, von Prittwitz und Gaffron [formerly Ambassador 
to Washington], ”Aussenpolitik und Diplomatic, Eine 
Skizzein PB (1951), v. 3, no, 20, pp, 26; Bobert 
A, Ulrich, ”Kunst und Handwerk der Diplomatic,” in 
AP (1951), pp, 131-138 (v, 2, no, 2); Oswald 


89 


























Schneider, ”Zum Neuaufbau des auswartigen Dienstes,” 
in AP (1951), pp. 177-182 (v. 2, no. 3); Heinz L. 
Krekeler [Consul General, Washington], Deutschlands 
Vertretung im Ausland , in PB (1952), no. 26/27, pp. 
147-185. 

(128) See, e_.£. , Paul Kluke , ft Deut schland und 
Eussland zwischen den Wei tkriegenin HZ_ (lS5l) , 
v. 171, pp. 519-552; Herbert von Dirksen, Moskau - 
Tokio - London,, . Erinnerungen und Betrachtungen zu 
20 Jahren deutscher Aussennolitik 1919 - 1959 , 

Stuttgart; Kohlhammer, n.d. [Preface dated August 

1949], pp. 279. 

(129) Peter Kleist, Zwischen Hitler und Stalin . 
1939-1945 . Aufzeichnungen , Bonn; Athenaum, 1950, pp. 
344. The author was attached to the Eibbentrop 
secretariat (1938-1941) and later represented the 
Beich Ministry for the Eastern Regions at army head¬ 
quarters in occupied Baltic provinces. I'or a criti¬ 
cal reappraisal of the diplomatic history of the 
period, see Michael Freund, ’’Die Entstehung des 
deutsch-sowjetischen Krieges,” in AP (1951), pp. 
353-359 (v. 2, no. 5) and 430 - 436 (no. 6). 

(130) Wipe rt von Blucher, Gesandter zwischen 
Diktatur und Demokratie . Erinnerungen aus den Jahren 
1935-1944 , Wiesbaden; Limes, 1951, pp. 416. The 
author was Ambassador to Helsinki until Finland broke 
off with Germany; opposed Nazi policy. 

(131) Boris Meissner, ’’Die sowjetische Deutsch- 
landpolitik. Von Stalingrad bis Potsdam (1943-1945),” 
in EA (1951), pp. 4525-4538 (v. 6, no. 23); EA 
(1952), pp* 4683-4694 (v. 7, no. 3) and 4907-4920 
(no. 10); ’’Stalin und die Oder-Neisse-Linie” and 
’’Umschau - Sowjetunion., Innenpolitik,” in GE (l95l), 
pp. 2-11 and 58-62 (v. 1, no. l). 

(132) For original documents and program state¬ 
ments, see Ulrich Noack, ed . , Die Nauheimer Proto¬ 
ko 11e c Diskussionen um die Neutralisierung Deutsch¬ 
lands » Die ersten drei Tagungen des Nauheimer 
Kreises August, September, Dezember 1948 , Wurzburg; 
published by the Editor, 1950, pp. 230. 

(133) For a documentary account of discussions 
around the issues of neutralism and remilitarization, 
see Wilhelm Cornides, ’’Die Neutralitatslehre des 
Nauheimer Kreiaes und der geistige Hintergrund des 
West-Ost Gespraches in Deutschland,” in EA (1950), 
pp. 3069-3082 (v. 5, no. ll) and 3103-3112 (no . 12 ) 
and EA (l95l), pp. 3879-3892 (v. 6, no. 8). 


90 






















(134) In particular, see Hermann Rauschning, 
Deutschland zwischen West und Qst , Berlin--Hamburg-- 
Stuttgart: Christian, 1950, pp. 200; cf. n. 14 
supra . 

(135) Gustav W. Heinemann, Deutsche Friedens- 
politik . Reden und Aufsatze , Darmstadt: Stimme 
der Gemeinde, 1952, pp, 47. Includes a biographi¬ 
cal note. 

(136) A biography of Niemoller, including an 
analysis of his political views has been supplied 
by his secretary, a former general; see Franz 
Beyer, Menschen warten . Aus dem politischen Wirken 
Martin Niemollers seit 1945 , Siegen: Schneider, 

1952, pp. 193; cf. Martin Niemoller, Deutschland - 
wohin ? Krieg oder Frieden ? Rede vom 17. Januar 
1952 in Darmstadt . Darmstadt! Jupiter, n.d. [a 
public speech delivered on January,17, 1952], pp. 

32. 


(137) Heinz Guderian, So geht es nicht j Eiri 
Beitrag zur Frage der Haltung Westdeutschlands , 

Heidelberg: Vowinckel (in the series Beihefte zur 

Geopolitik , N. F., no. l), 1951, pp. 90, is a pro¬ 
gram of suggestions for Germany’s military defense, 
interspersed with criticism of United States’ 

’’policy of pretense” and violent attacks on Great 
Britain and France; the organization of European 
defense is said to be a bluff devised to induce 
Germans into arming against an enemy known to be 
by far stronger. For discussion, see Willy Strzele- 
wicz, ’’Herr Guderian und die Politik,” Aktion , 1951, 
no. 4, pp. 39-44. 

(138) See, e_.£,. » the neutralist doctrine of 
Rudolf Laun, Das Volkerrecht und die Verteidigung 
Deutschlands, Heidelberg: Vowinckel (in the series 
Schriften zur Geopolitik , no. 25), 1951, pp. 20 

Lfirst printed in ZG (195l), pp. 277-289 (v. 22, 
no . 5)] • 

(139) , Polonius, Keine Angst vor Sow.j et-Russ- 
land*. Eine realistische Betrachtung , Heidelberg: 
Vo"rwinckel, 1951, pp. 127. Originally, parts of 
this piece by the ’’former head of the government 
of a Soviet-occupied country” were printed anony¬ 
mously in ZG (1951), pp. 341-348 (v. 22, no. 6). 

(140) Albrecht Haushofer, Allgemeine politische 
Geographie und Geopolitik , vol. I, Heidelberg: Vo¬ 
winckel, 1951, pp. 362. Two more volumes had been 
intended for publication. The author was executed 


91 





























before he had a chance to carry out the comprehensive 
program of the study* 


(141) Rufold Lutgens, Erde und Weltwirtschaft , v* 

II: Die Produktionsraume der Weitwirtschaft * Eine 
allgemeine Produktionsgeographie , Stuttgart? Franckh, 
n*d. [distributed in" 1951 j, pp* 255 * 

(142) Eugen Oskar Kossmann, Warum ist Europa so ? 

Eine Deutung aus Baum und Zeit t Stuttgart? Hirzel, 

1950, pp. 287* 

(143) Ferdinand Fried, Das Abenteuer des Abendlandes , 
Dusseldorf—Cologne: Diederichs, n 9 d P (c* 1950J, pp* 270* 

(144) Heinrich Schmitthenner, Lebensraume im Kampf 
der Kulturen , 2d ed*, Heidelberg? Quelle and Meyer, 1951, 
(c * 1938J, pp * 226 * 

(145) Georg Stadtmuller, Geschichte Slidesteuropas , 
Munich; Oldenbourg, 1950, pp* 527* A survey of migra¬ 
tions, ethnic conflicts, religious disputes, etc*s cul¬ 
tural and political development largely ignored $ 
awakening of the Czech nation seen as effect of Germano- 
phobia; no statistical dataj bihliography marked hy 
scarcity of Bussian and Bumanian sources and almost com¬ 
plete absence of English and American literature* 

(146) S ee, £»£* , Andreas Lommel, "Die soziale und 
politische Umwalzung in Slidostasienin Saeculum (l950j, 
pp* 555-589 (v* 1, no* l); Herbert Wilhelmy, ’’Die 
staatliche Neugestaltung der islamischen Welt* Pakistan,, 
Indonesien, Senussi-Staat,” ££* cit *, pp* 535-554* 

(147) See, £*£* , a public speech by the leader of 
the ’’neo-Nazi” Socialist Eeicl^ Party, Otto Ernst Berner, 
20* Juli 1944 , 5 th ed * [in slightly over a yeari], Ham¬ 
burg: Deutsche Opposition, 1951, pp* 32, in defense of 
his role in suppressing the 1944 anti-Nazi conspiracy* 

(148) See, e_*£* , Wilhelm Harthenstein, "Ideologische 
Oder realistische Politik?” in ZG_ (l95l), pp* 533-538 
(v* 22, no* 9); Heinz Guderian, ”Baum und Zeit in der 
modernen Kriegfl%rung,” o£* cit * , pp* 7-13 (no* l)* 

(149) See H* B* Bamcke, ”Dem Marschall von Frank- 
reich,” ip ZG (l95l), v* 22, pp* 469-470, and the same 
author’s Falls chi rm.j age r * Damals und danach * Frankfurt? 
Lorch, n*TI (c* 1952), pp* 273* Cf* a pamphlet alleged¬ 
ly issued to further the cause of Franco-German rap¬ 
prochement but actually a wholesale indictment of French 
'Chauvinism” and "rapaciousness”$ Bichard Eisner, Frank- 
reichs Wahn--der Bhein , Gottingen? Bund der freien 
deutschen Wel!tburger, n*d*, pp* 31* 


92 - 


















(150) See, y a full-page message by the Great 

Mufti,^over the facsimile signature, n Amin El-Husseini, M 
"Gesprach mit dem Grossmifti von Jerusalem,” in ZG 
(1951), pp. 761 (v. 22, no, 12). 

(151) See the anti-occupation diatribe by one of the 
most honored poets of the Third Reich, Hans Grimm, Die' 
Erzhischofschrift „ Antwort eines Deutschen , Gottingen; 
Plesse, n.d. [c. 1950J, pp. 232. Grimm is" among the 
chief contributors of a purportedly literary and politi¬ 
cal monthly, claiming to advocate a union of Europe, 
Nation Europa . Monatsschrift im Dienst der europaischen 
Erneuerung (1952), no. 6. Actually, the periodical is 
the meetingplace of avowed admirers of the Nazi system 
all over Europe and is replete with venomous denuncia¬ 
tions of all democratic governments still in existence * 

It took off its pacifist and humanitarian mask in vol. 2 
(1952), no. 6, when it exposed the ’’mendacity” of Jewish 
extermination stories, quoting figures allegedly drawn 
from a respectable Swiss liberal daily but in fact never 
published there. The quotations were from an avowed 
Nazi sheet printed in Switzerland. 

(152) Europaische Sicherheit . Rundschau der Wehr- 
wissenschaften , originally with contributions by mili¬ 
tary men not necessarily tainted by Nazi attachments. 
Under this masthead, five issues were published in 1951. 

(153) Wehrwissenschaftliche Rundschau . Zeitsphrift 
fur europaische Sicherheit , first at the head of the 
title page in vol. I, no. 6-7. The second volume (Janu¬ 
ary 1952 issue) carried a frontpage message by Colonel 
General Franz Haider, and as a new contributor Colonel 
General Kurt Zeitzler was listed, i^.e^. , the man who had 
succeeded Haider and preceded Guderian as Army Chief of 
Staff. 

(154) Heinz-Dietrich Ortlieb, ’Ter gegenwartige 
Stand der Sozialisierungsdebatte in Deutschland,” in 
Walter Weddigen, e_d, , Untersuchungen zur sozialen 
Gestaltung der Wirtschaftsordnung , Berlins Duncker and 
HumbTot (in the series Schriften d.es Yereins fur Sozial- 
politik , N. F., vol. 2), 1950, pp. 189-287. 

(155) Martin Buber, Pfade in Utopia , Heidelberg; 
Schneider, 1950, pp. 248. 

(156) Wilhelm Ropke, Mass und Mitte , Erlenbach- 
Zurich; Rentsch, 1950, pp. 261; 1st die deutsche Wirt- 
schaftspolitik richtig? Analyse und Kritik, Stuttgart- 
Cologne: Kohlhammer, 1950, pp.95; "Wirtschaftssystem und 
internationale Ordnung. Prolegomena,” in Ordo^ (l95l) y v. 4, pp. 


93 




















261-298,. For. a practical politician’s version of "social 
literalism," see Wilhelm DietricE, Auf dem Wege zum 
neuen Staat ® Die deutsche Aufgabe , Stuttgart? 
Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1951, pp® 130, 

(157) Franz Bohm, Wirtschaftsordnung und Staats- 
verfassung, Tubingen? Mohr (Siebeck), 1950, pp® 70; 
"Das wirtschaftliche Mithestiramungsrecht der Ar- 
heiter im Betriebe," in Ordo (l95l) , v® 4, pp® 21- 
52; "Die Aufgaten der freien Marktwirtschaft," in 

PB (1951), v. 2, no, 14, pp® 64® 

(158) For discussion, from a socialist point 
of view, see, e^g.® , Hans Peter, 1st das Dopke- 
Gutachten wissenschaftlich fundiert ? Fine Kritik , 
Colognes Bund, 1951, pp® 21; Bichard Lowenthal [Paul 
Sering], "Der Mythos des XIX, Jahrhunderts," in 

FH (1950), pp® 1278-1209 (v® 5, no, 12); Erich Prei¬ 
ser, ’’Die soziale Prohlematik der Marktwirtschaf t," 
in PB (1951), v, 2, no® 15, pp® 25; Gert von Eynern, 
’’Soziale Marktwirtschaft® Analyse eines wissen- 
schaftlichen und politischen Schlagworts," in 
Deutsches Institut fur Wirtschaftsforschung, Bei- 
trage zur empirischen Kon.junkturforschung ® Fest¬ 
schrift zum 25.iahrigen Bestenen des Deutschen 
Instituts fur Wirtschaf tsforschung ( ins ti tut ““fur 

Kon.junkturforschung) , Berlins Dun eke r und Homblot, 
n®d. [preface dated December 1950], pp® 121-147® 

(159) Oswald von Nell-Breuning [S®J®] and Her¬ 
mann Sacher, eds » , Beitrage zu einem Worterbuch der 
Politik (from fasc® IV on® Worterbuch der Politik) , 
Freiburg? Herder, fasc® I? "Zur ehristlichen Gesell- 
schaftslehre," 1947, pp® 91; fasc® II? "Zur christ- 
lichen Staatslehre," 1948, pp® 143; fasc® Ills 

"Zur Sozialen Frage," 1949, pp® 243; fasc® IV? "Zur 
Wirtschaftsordnung" (with the cooperation of Ludwig 
Wirz) , 1949, pp® 307; f8.se® V and VI? "Gesellsehaft- 
liche Ordnungssysteme," 1951, pp® 482; fasc® VIIs 
"Die Frau® Wesen und Ajifgabe" (Alice Scherer, sole 
editor), 1951, pp® 323®^ 

(160) See, e^g® , Oswald von x NSll-Breuning, Ein- 
zelmensch und Gesellschaft , Heidelberg? Eerie, 1950, 
pp® 83; Otto Schilling, Christliche Staatslehre und 
Staatspflichtenlehre , Donauworths Auer—Cassianeum, 
1951, pp® 167® 

(lQl) Gerhard Kroll, Grundlagen abendlandischer 
Erneuerung ® Das Manifest der abendlandischen Aktion , 
Special IssueT^A, August 1951. pp® 155? cf» a 
resolution passed by the National Executive Board 
of Abendlandische Aktion on October 20, 1951, in BA 


94 - 



























(1951) , p. 652 (v. 6, no* ll). 


(162) Editorial comment in NA (l95l). pp. 637- 
644, esp pp, 643 f. (v. 6, no.Tl); cf. Emil 
if ran z e 1, Von Bismarck zu Adenauer, 

Wege deutscher Aussenpolitik, 

65 (no. 2). 


op a 


Aufgaben und 
cit . , pp. 51- 


(163) See Etnil Eranzel, ’’Walter Dirks und der 
Kommunismus,” in HA (1952) , pp. 129-142 (v. 7, no. 
3;, and the indirect reply hy Walter Dirks, ”Die 
frankfurter Hefte und der Marxismus,” in EH (1952) 
pp. 237-252 (v. 7, no. 4), a reprint fromTol. 5 
(1950), no. 3. 


(164) See, however, Heinz Brauweiler, ’’Christ- 
liche Sozialordnung und Naturrecht,” in Tymbos.... 
pp. 46-62; Otto Heinrich von der Gablentz, ’’Christen- 
tum und Wirtschafteordnung,” in JBSW (1950), pp. 

84—91 (v» 1, no. l), with a Bibliography of early 
postwar writings from Both the Lutheran and the 
Catholic viewpoint. 

(165) Hans Joachim Schoeps, Die geistige Situ ¬ 
ation der Zeit , Bremen? Schunemann, n. d. [speech 
delivered on October 20, 1950], pp. 35, and Die 
Ehre Preussens , Stuttgart: Vorwerk, 1951, pp. 48. 

For discussion, see Otto Heinrich von der £ablentz, 
’’Hat Preussen eine Zukunft?*” in Der Monat , pp. 316- 
318 (v. 4, no. 45, June 1952). 

(166) Hans Freyer, Die weltgeschichtliche Be- 
deutung des 19. Jahrhunderts , Kiel: Lipsius and 
Tischer (in the series Kieler Universitatsreden , 
no. 4), 1951, pp. 30; Theodor Schieder, "Das Prob¬ 
lem der Revolution im 19. Jahrhundert,” in HZ_ 

(1950), v. 170, pp. 233-271. 

(167) Hans Joachim Schoeps, ’’Realistische Ge- 
schichtsprophetien urn 1950,” in ZRG-G (l95l), pp. 
97-107 (v. 3, no. 2); Eugen Thurner, "Einleitung 
des Herausgebers,” in Ernst von Lasaulx, Heuer 
Versuch einer alten, in der Wahrheit der Tatsachen 

gegrundeten Philosophie der Geschichte , Munich! 
Oldenbourg, 1952, pp. 7-60; Hans Joachim Schoeps, 
’’Depravationstheorie im 19. Jahrhundert,” in KZS 
(1951-52), pp. 231-241 (v. 4, no. 2-3); Carl 
Schmitt, Donoso Cortes in gesamteuropaischer 
Interpretation . Vier Aufsatze, Colognes Greven, 

1950, pp. 114, cf. his Ex Captivitate Salus . Er - 
fahrungen der Zeit 1945/47 , Colognes Greven, 1950, 
pp. 95. 


95 



















(168) Otto Volz, Christentum und Positivismus . 
Die Grundla^en der Bechts- und Staatsauffassung 

Friedrich Julius Stahls , Tubingen; Mohr (Siebeck), 

1951, pp. 143 [with Church Imprimatur]. 

(169) Heinz Gollwitzer, "Der Casarismus Napo¬ 
leons III. im Widerhall der offentlichen Meinung 
Deutschlands," in HZ^ (1952), v. 173, pp. 23-75. 

(170) Ernst von Hippel, "Eousseaus Staats- 
lehre als Mystik des Materialismus," in NA (l95l), 
pp. 337-345 (v. 6, no. 7); Hans Seiner, ’’Rousseaus 
Idee des Contrat social und die Freiheit der 
Staatsburger," in ABSP (1950), pp. 36-62 (v. 39, 
no . 1$ . 

(171) Friedrich Bulow, "Hegel, der Historismus 
und die Dialektik," in Schmoller (1949), pp. 283- 
318 (v. 69, no. 3) and o£. cit , (1950) , pp. 513- 
546 (v. 70, no. 5). 

(172) Karl Lowith, Von Hegel zu Nietzsche . 

Der revolutionare Bruch im Denken des neunzehnten 

Jahrhunderts . Marx und Kierkegaard , 2d. ed. 

[first printed in Switzerland in 1941, not dis¬ 
tributed in Germany], Stuttgart? Kohlhammer, 1950, 
pp. 464. 

(173) Eugen Lemberg, Geschichte des National- 
ismus in Europa , Stuttgart? Schwab, 1950, pp. 319. 

(174) Eugen Lemberg, "Europaische National- 
ideen und europaischer Nationalismus," in KZSG 
(1951/52), pp. 286-299 (v. 4, no. 2-3); cf. Heinz 
Gollwitzer, Europabild und Europagedanke q Bei- 
trage zur deutschen Geistes^eschichte des 18. und 

19. Jahrhunderts, Munich? Beck, n.d. \ c. 1951J, 

pp. xi, 464. 

(175) Ernst Ben^, "Franz von Baaders Gedanken 
\iber den 'Proletaipl. Zur Geschichte des vor- 
marxistischen Sozialismus," in ZBGG (1948), pp. 
97-123 (v. 1, no. 2); see also a comprehensive 
discussion in Steinbuchel, op . cit . (n. 176 infra), 

(176) Theodor Steinbuchel, Sozialismus . Ge- 
sammelte Aufsatze zur Geistesgeschichte t vol. I, 
Tubingen? Mo£r (s'iebeck)V 1950, pp. 343. 

(177) Bruno Seidel, "Wesen und Wandlung des 
Sozialismus und seiner Sozialkritik vom kiassischen 
zum heutigen Sozialismus," in ZGSW (l95l). pp. 
660-697 (v. 107, no. 4) [ in memoriam Gustav Mayer-- 


96 























v.n. 61 supra] . 


(178) Richard Nurnberger, "Imperialismus, Sozi 
H 7 1 f?QcM nd Ch f^tentum bei Friedrich Naumann," in 
HZ (1950), v. 170, pp. 525-548; cf. n. 58 supra . 


(179) M. J. Bonn, 
1946)," in Schmoller 


1 'John Maynard Keynes (1883- 
(1952), pp. 1-24 (v. 72, no. 


1 ). 


(180) Wolfgang Preiser, "Das Macchiavelli-Bild 
in der Gegenwart," in ZGSW (1952X, pp. 1-38 (v. 108, 
no. 1;; cf. Kurt Kluxen, "Macchiavelli und Macchi¬ 
avelli smus ," in GWU (1950), pp. 3^9-340 (v. 1, no. 

• 


(181) Otto Heinrich von der Gahlentz, "Der 
Marxsche Begriff der gesellschaftlichen Produktions- 
verhaltnisse und die gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit," 
in Schmoller (1950), pp. 129-146 (v. 70, no. 2). 

(182) Otto Weinberger, "Pareto und die material- 
istische Geschichtsauffassung," in ZGSW (1950), pp. 
460-472 (v. 106, no. 3); cf. the author's "Die 
Marx-Kritik Vilfredo Paretos," in Kyklos (1949). 

pp. 219-234 (v. 3, no. 3). 

(183) Walter Theimer, Der Marxi smus. Lehre - 
Wirkung - Kritik, Bern: Francke, n.d. [c. 1950J, 
pp. 253, a diffuse, inaccurate and uninspired pre¬ 
sentation, vitiated by the author's inadequate 
grasp of early nineteenth century philosophy. 

(184) Gustav A. Wetter, Der dialektische Materi¬ 
al ismus . Seine Geschichte und sein System in der 
Sow.j etunion t Freiburg: Herder, 1952, pp. xii, 647; 
cf. the less comprehensive and less penetrating 
treatment, from a related point of view, by I. M. 
Bochenski , Der sowjetrussische dialektische Materi¬ 
al ismus ( Diamat) , Munich: Lehnen, n. d. [ c. 1950J, 
pp. 213, insisting particularly on elements of 
Eussian philosophical thought injected into the 
original Marxian system of ideas by Leninism and 
Stalinism. For the ideaof missionary expansionism 
in Eussian dulture, cf. Josef Bohatec, Der Imperi¬ 
al ismusgedanke in der Lebensphilosophie Dosto- 

jew ski ,js . Fin Beitrag zur Kenntnis des russischen 
Menschen, Graz-Cologne: Bohlaus, 1951, pp. xii, 

364. 

(185) Helmut Schoeck, Soziologie . Geschichte 
ihrer Probleme , Freiburg—Munich: Alber (in the 
series QrM-s Academicus . Problemgeschichten der 
Wissenschaften in Dokumenten und Darstellungen), 


97 






























1952, pp* x, 431* 

(186) Theodor Geiger, Die Klassengesellschaft 

im Schmelztiegel , Cologne--Hagens Kiepenheuer, 1949, 

PP * ‘ 228 a 

(187) Leopold von Wiese, Gesellschaftliche 
Stande und Klassen , Munich; Lehne^, n* d» [c* 1950], 
PP* 85, and "Soziale Sicherheit und sozialer Auf- 
stieg als Probleme unserer Zeit," in GW (1950), 

PP. 3--13 (Va 2, nOa 3)a 

(188) Hans Winkmann, M Ahhangigkeit und Selbst- 
standi'gkeit bei Klassen und Standen," in Abhangig- 
keit ,»* , pp* 122-145 (Part One)* 

(169) Heinz Maus, "Abhangigkeit und Selbr 
standigkeit bei Eliten," in Abhangigkeit ,, M pp* 
111-122 (Part One)* 

(190) Theodor Geiger, Aufgaben und Stellun-g 
der Intelligenz in der Gesellschaft , Stuttgart; 

Enke, 1949, pp* viii, 167* 

(191) Josef Dobretsberger, tf Krise der Intelli- 
genz," in ZGSW (l95l), pp. 1-35 (v. 107, no. l)i 
Josef Piepfcy, Was heisst akademisch ? Der Ffcnk- 
tionar und der Sophist , Munichs Kusel--Hochiand, 
1952, pp* 102* 

(192) Bruno Kuske, ,f Der Einfluss des Staates 
auf die geschichtliche Entwicklung der sozialen 
Gruppen in Deutschland bis znin Anfang des 19* 
Jahrhunderts , !l in KZS (1949-50) pp* 193-217 (v* 2, 
no * 2)* 

(193) Ca A* Emge, ,f Burokratisierung, M in KZS 
(1950-51), pp* 179-195 (v* 3, no* 2)* 

(194) Wilhelm Grewe and Oscar Georg Fisch- 
bach, Inwieweit JLasst Art * 33 Abs* 5 des Grund- 
gesetzes eine Beform des Beamtenrechts zu ?( Ver- 
handlungen des 39* Deutschen Juristentages) , 

Tubingen; Mohr (Siebeck), 1952, pp* 164* 

(195) Ernst Kern, Die Institution des Berufs- 
beamtentums im kontinentaleuropaischen Staat * 

Bine rechts- und verwaltungsvergleichende Studie , 

Dortmund; Ardey (in the series Verwaltung und 

Wirtschaft , no* 5), 1952, pp* 47* 


98 

























C 196 ) Vorberichte zur Arbeitstagung \iber Fragen 
der Neuordnung des Beamtenwesens am 2 . und 3 , De- 

-gQiPfrer 1950 in Weinheim an der Bergstrasse . mimeog., 

yv • Ausbildung und Beruf sauf fassung im offent¬ 

lichen Dienst. Eine Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse 
der Tagg ing des Instituts zur Forderung offentliche7 

Angelegenheiten vom 10 a bis 11 a Juni 1949 . pp a fTT" 

Die Mittelstufe der Verwalt ung, Bericht uber eine 
Arbeitstagung , pp, 116 ; Frankfurt s Institut zur 
Forderung offentlicher Angelegenheiten e. Y., 1950. 

Cf. Neu.es Beamtentum . Beitrage zur Neuordnung des 
offentlichen Dienstes . Frankfurt? Metzner (in the 
series Wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe des Instil 
tutes zur Forderung offentlicher AngelegenhGaiten ‘ 

e »Y. , vol. 10), 1951, pp. xvii, 29lV . 

(197) Kurt Oppler and Erich. Rosenthal-Pelldram, 
Die Neugestaltung des offentlichen Dienstes . 

Grundlagen und Probleme 9 pp. 79 5 Fritz Turk and 
Walter Dorrhofer, Neuzeitliche Methoden der Perso- 
nalauslesq »pp. 69; both Frankfurt? Komme n t a tor (Tn 
the series Wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe des 
Institutes zur Forderung offentlicher Angelegen¬ 

heiten e.Y.), n.d. 1 c. 19501. pp. 69. 

(198) Theodor Eschenburg, Der Beamte in Partei 
und Parlament , Frankfurt? Metzner (in the series 
Kleine Schriften fur den Staatsburger , no. 15), 
n.d. |c. 1952J, pp. 227. 

(199) Ellen Simon and Werner Mohring, Millionen 
ohne Heimat . Eine Studie zur Vertriebenenfrage . 
Schriften und Stimmen zur Vertriebenenfrage , n.d. 

[_ 43 • 1950J, pp. 110; Hanna Betz, Fluchtlingsr 

schicksal auf dem Lande . Untersuchung uber die. 
Situation der Heimatvertriebenen in der Gemeinde 

Holzhausen am Starnberger See , n.d. 1 preface Aug. 

1949J, pp. 46; Frankfurt? Metzner (in the series 
Kleine Schriften fur den Staatsburger ). 

(200) Resi Koller, Das Fliichtlingsproblem in der 
Staatsverwaltung entwickelt am Beispiel der bay- 

rilschen Fluchtlingsbetreuung 9 Tubingen? Mohr (Sie- 

beck) (in the series Schriftenreihe der Akademie 
Speyer , no. 3), 1949, pp. 48. 

(201) Elisabeth Pfeil, Funf Jahre spater . Die 
Eingliederung der Heimatvertriebenen in Bayern , 

Frankfurt? Metzner (in the series Kleine Schriften 
fur den Staatsburger) 1951, pp. 101; Gabriele Wulker, 
Friedrich Edding, Elisabeth Pfeil, Gerhard Weisser, 
Eugen Lemberg, Europa und die deutschen Fluchtlinge , 
Frankfurt? Institut zur Forderung offentlicher 


99 




















































Angelegenheiten e. V. (in the series Wissenschaft* 
liche Schriftenreihe ...) » 1952, pp. 141. 

(202) Eugen Lemberg (in cooperation with Lothar 
Krecker), Die Entstehung eines neuen Volkes aus 
Binnendeutschen und Ostvertriebenen . Untersuch- 
linden zum Strukturwandel von Land und Leuten unter 

dem Einfluss des Vertriebenen-Zustromcs , Marburg 1 
Elwert, 1950, pp. 168. 

(203) Karl Wilhelm Bottcher, 88 Die deutsche 
Emigration aus dem Osten," in EH (1950) , pp. 1159- 
1175 (v, 5, no * ll )5 Eugen Lemberg, "Politische 
Psychologie der Fluchtlinge," in ZG (l95l), pp. 
405-415 (v. 22, no. 7). 

(204) Willy Hellpach, Mensch und Volk der 
Grossstadt fl 2d, revised ed. , Stuttgarts Enke, 1952, 
pp« 153. 

(205) Arnold Gehlen, "Burokratisierung," in 
KZS (1950-51), pp. 195-208 (v. 3, no. 2). 

(206) Walther Kellinghusen, "Der Aufstieg 
der 8 Governing Class( in England, 81 in Tymbos a .. , 
pp. 160-184. 

(207) For a study of the composition of the 
Berlin State House of Representatives, see Stephanie 
Munke, Wahlkampf und Machtverschiebung . Geschichte 
und Analyse der Berliner Wahlen vom 3. Dezember 

1950 , Introduction by A. E, L. Gurland, edL , Berlins 
Duncker and Humblot (in the series Schriften des 
Institute fur politische Wissenschaft » vol. 1), 

1952, pp. xix, 282, esp. 59-81, 218-223, 265-277; 
for a corresponding study of the Federal Diet (on 
a minor scale), see Dolf Sternberger, "Berufs- 
PolitiHer und Politiker-Berufe* Zur Soziologie 
des deutschen Bundestages , M in Die Gegenwart (1950), 
v. 5, no. 22, pp. 9-11. 

(208) Dolf Sternberger, "Kunstler-Intellektuelle- 
Propagandisten, 88 in Die Gegenwart (1950), v. 5, 

no. 15, pp. 9-11, and "Elite und gemeiner Mann, 88 
op . cit ., no. 24, pp. 9-12. 

(209) Otto Stammer, 88 Das Elitenproblem in der 
Demokratie , 88 in Schmoller (l95l) , v. 71, pp. 513- 
540, (no. 5). 

(210) See, Eugen Kogon, "Die Aussichten 

der Restauration. Uber die gesellschaftlichen 
Grundl,a>gen der Zeit," in FH (1952), pp. 165-177 


100 - 






















(v. 7, no, 3); Wilhelm Bottcher, ’’Die neuen Beichen 
und die Neureichen in DeutscRland " in FH ( 1951 ) 
pp. 331-338 (v, 6, no, 5). _ 

# (21l) Only one account of the postwar labor 
unions' problems has been published: Richard 
Seidel, Die Gewerkschaften in Beutschland, Ge - 
schichte-Aufgaben-Lei stung en. Ein ABC der Gewerk- 
schaftskunde , Cologne: Bund, 1952, pp. xxxvi, 143; 
for a discussion of the unions’ role in politics, 
see Klaus Peter Schulz, "Die Gewerkschaften als 
politischer Machtfaktor. Ein Beitrag zur prak- 
tischen Gewaltenteilung in der modernen Demokratie," 
in GM (1952), pp. 5-13 (v. 3, no. l). 

( 212 ) Otto Stammer, "Das Unbehagen an der 
Politik," in GM (1952), pp. 14-19 (v. 3, no. l). 

(213) Carl Brinkmann, Soziologische Theorie 
der Revolution , Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ru- 
precht, 1948, pp. 119. 

(214) Karl Muhs, Geschichte des abendlandischen 
Geistes . Grundzuge einer Kultursynthese , Berlin: 
Duncker and Humblot, 1950, pp. 500. 

(215) Erdmann Hanisch, Geschichte Sow.jetruss- 

lands . 1917-1941 , Freiburg: Herder, 1951, pp. x, 

306 . 

(216) Eugen Lemberg, Osteuropa und die Sow.jet- 
union. Geschichte und Probleme der Welt hinter 
d,em Eisernen Vorhang ,Stuttgart: Schwab , n.d . [_ c. 
1950J, pp. 25G. 

(217) Gunther Stokl, "Die politische Beligiosi- 
tat des Mittelalters und die Entstehung des Mos- 
kauer Staates," in Saeculum (1951), pp. 393-415 

(v. 2, no. 3). 

(218) Horst Jablonowski, "Die Lage der sowjet- 
russischen Geschichtswissenschaft nach dem zweiten 
Weltkriege," in Saeculum (l95l), pp. 443-464 (v» 2, 
no. 3); Georg von Rauch, "Grundlinien der sowjeti- 
schen Geschichtsforschung im Zeichen des Stalin- 
ismus," in EA (1950), pp. 3383-3388 (v. 5, no, 19), 
3423-3432 (no. 20) and 3489-3494 (no. 21); Herbert 
Ludat, "Die polnische Wissenschaft im Sog Moskaus," 
in 0E (1952), pp. 86-93 (v. 2, no. 2), and "Die 
polnische Vergangenheit in marxistischer Sicht," 

in Zeitschrift fur Ostforschung (1952), pp. 87- 
101 (v. 1, no, l)^ 


101 























(21S) Boris Meissner, ”Shdanov,” in OE (1952), 
pp. 15-22 (v. 2, no, l) and 94-101 (no, 2*7, 

(220) Boris Meissner, Russland-Bibliographie , 
Part One: Die Grundordnung des Staates , fasc, 1, 
pp, 129; fasc, 2, pp. 107, miraeog,, Hamburg: For- 
schungsstelle fur Volkerrecht und auslandisch.es 
offentliches Recht der Universitat Hamburg, 1950, 

A study of the constitutional framework of the 
Soviet Union by Reinhart Maurach, ”Sowjetische 
Demokratie,” in PB (1950), v, 1, no, 3-4, pp, 78, 
fails to take into account the institutional de¬ 
vices to assure party control of the government 
machine, neglects the destruction of all elements 
of federalism, and omits the analysis of the com¬ 
position of the Communist Party and its agencies, 
Ulrich Drobnig, ’’Eigentum und Vertrag im sozi*- 
alistischen Recht,” in JBSW (l95l), pp, 154-173 
(v, 2, no, 2-3), is a formalistic study of the 
concept of property protected by law without an 
analysis of the categories of Soviet public law 
and their changes in the course of the years; 

the social functions of the various property types 
are not looked into; the author has not used any 
Russian sources, gathering his information solely 
from German and English publications, 

(221) Boris Meissner, Russland im Umbruch , 

Der Wandel in der Ilerrschaftsordnung und Sozial- 

struktur der Sow.jetunion , Frankfurt: Geschichte 
und Politik (in the series Dokumente und Berichte 
des Europa-Archivs , vol, 9), 1951, pp, 91; see 
also his "Der Wandel im sozialen Gefuge der Sowjet- 
union,” in EA (1950), pp, 2989-3004 (v, 5, no, 9), 
and ’’Staatspolizei und Wehrmacht in der UdSSR, 

Zur innerpolitischen Nachkriegsentwicklung der 
Sowjetunion,” in EA (l95l), pp, 4151-4185 (v, 6, 
no. 13-14). 

(222) The pamphlet by a perspicacious student 
of Soviet totalitarianism, Hermann L, Brill [Prof, 
of public law, Frankfurt, and member of the 
Federal Diet], Das sowjetische Herrschaftssystern . 
Der Weg in die Staatssklaverei , Cologne: Rote 
WeissbUcher (no. 2), 1951, pp, 182, is a journa¬ 
listic quicky badly organized and based on un¬ 
checked secondhand information. Professor Brill 
has used amply the daily press printed in the 
democratic countries, 

(223) G, F. Achminow, Die Macht im Hintergrund . 
Totengraber des Kommunismus , Grenchen--Ulms Spaten, 
n.d, [c. 1950J, pp. 307, 


102 














(<s24) See Hans Eaupach, ”Uber den Ausgangspunkt 
einer kritischen Wertung der Sowjetwirtschaft,” in 
Schmoller (l95l), pp. 569-580 (v. 71, no. 5); Artur 
W. Just, ”Entwicklungstendenzen der russischen Wirt- 
schaft,” in AP (1951), pp. 191-196 (v. 2, no. 3). 

(225) Edige Kirimal, Der nationale Karrrpf der 
Krimturken unter tesonderer Berucksichtigung der 

Jahre 1917-1918 , Emsdetten: Lechte, 1952, pp. xxix, 


(226) Winfried Martini, M Der Sowjet-Antisemitis- 
mus , 11 in AP (l95l), pp. 197-204 (v. 2,no. 3). 

(527) Artur W. Just, ’’Moskaus neue These,” in 
AP (i960), pp. 103-109 (v. 1 , no. 2); Georg von 
Bauch, ”Sowjet-Patriotismus?,” in ZG (1951J, pp. 

94-105 (v. 22, no. 2); Adolf W. Ziegler, ”Die Eeli- 
gion inder Sowjetpolitik,” in NA (l95l), pp. 615- 
625 (v. 6 , no. ll); Emanuel Sarkisyanz [Chicago], 
"Asien im russischen Messianismus,” in AP (1951J, 
pp. 530-537 (v. 2, no.* 8 ). 

(228) Albert Herzer, Bolschewismus und Menschen- 
bildung . Eine Untersuchun^ uber den Einfluss der 
holschewistischen Bildungspolitik auf den sow.jetischen 

Menschen unter hesonderer Berucksichtigung der 

Jugenderziehung, insbesondere auf Grund von Aus- 

sprachen mit Ostarheitern , Hamburg; Gesellen und 
Preunde des vaterlandischen Schul- und Erziehungs- 
wesens, n.d., pp* 251. 

(229) Hans Baupach, ”Die Grundlagen der sowjeti- 
schen Aussenpolitik. Eine sozial-okonomische Be- 
trachtung,” in ZG_ (l95l), pp# 13-27 (v. 22, no. l). 

(230) Boris Meissner, eji. , Das Ostpaktsystem . 
Dokum^fttensammlung , Hamburg: Forschungsstelle fur 
Yolkerrecht und auslandisch.es offentlich.es Becht der 
Universitat Hamburg, 1951, mimeog., Part I: ”Das 
sowjetische Paktsystem in Europa,” pp. 153; Part II: 
"las sowjetische Paktsystem in Asien,” pp. 72. 

(231) Heinrich Bechtoldt, ”Soziologie und Ge- 
schichte des Maoismus. Die Periodisierung des 
chinesischen Kommunismus,” in AP (1952), pp. 38-47 
(v. 3, no. l); cf. Franz Borkenau, ”Die Sonderart 
des chinesischen Kommunismus,” op . cit ., pp. 374- 
383 (no • 6 ) . 

(232) Otto Stammer, ”Arbeiterbildung in der sow- 
jetischen Besatzungszone Deutschlands,” in SJV (l95l), 
pp. 399-408 (v. 2, no. 4); Max Gustav Lange, 


103 















,M Arbeiterbildung® in der Sowjetzone 
pp, 47-52 (v, 3, no, l). 


in GM (1952), 


(233) Rudolf Meimberg, Die wirtschaftliche Ent- 
wicklung in Westberlin und in der sow.jetisch.en Zone , 

2d, revised and enlarged edition, Berlin'—Munich? 
Duncker and Humhlot (in the series Schriftenreihe 
hrsgb, von der Berliner Zent ralbank , no, 3) ,1952, 
pp, 120, With a statistical appendix supplying data 
on economic developments and social trends, 

(234) Ernst Richert, ”Aus der Praxis totalitarer 
Lenkung. Die politische Entwicklung im Kreis Schmal- 
kalden 1945-1949,” in Faktoren ,,,, pp, 162-187, 

(235) Otto Stammer, ’’"Gesellschaf tss truktur und 
politische Dynamik in der Sowjetzonein GM (1952), 
pp, 330-335 (v, 3, no, 6), 

(236) Wilhelm Steinberg, Der Einzelne und die 
Gemeinschaft , Eine Einfuhrung in die Sozialpsycho- 
logie und die Gemffinschaftsethik , Munich--Basle? 
Reinhardt, 1951, pp, 159, 

(237) Walter Hagemann, ”Vom Mythos der Masse, 

Ein Beitrag zur Psychologie der (jff entli chkei t, ” 
Heidelberg? Vowinckel (in the series Beitrage zur 
Publizistik , vol, 4) 1951, pp, 320, 

(238) Clemens Munster, MengenMassen, Kollek- 
tive , Munich? Kosel, 1952, pp, 211; similarly, H, 
Wiesbrock, ”Schlagwort 8 Yermassung ®l Zugliech ein 
Beitrag zur Charakterologie unseres Zeitalters,” 

SW (1951), pp, 341-348 (v, 2, no, 4), 

(239) Arnold Gehlen, Sozialpsychologische Prob- 
leme in der Industriellen Gesellschaft , Tubingen? 

Mohr (Siebeck) (in the series Schriftenreihe der 
Akademie Speyer , no, 2), 1949, pp, 45 5 Hendrik de 
Man, Vermassung und Kulturzerfall , Eine Diagnose 
unserer Zeit , Munich? Lehnen, 1951, pp, 210| from 
a clinical psychologist 9 s point of view, Walter 
Ehrenstein, ”Uber einige Wurzeln des Massenwahns in 
der seelischen Organisation des Menschen und uber 
seine biologische Bedeutung,” in SG_ (1950), pp, 
499-509 (v, 3, no, 9), 

(240) Helmut Thielicke, Der Nihili smus „ Ent - 
stehung, Wesen, Uberwindung , Tubingen? Reichl, n, 
d, [c, 1950J, pp, 214, 


- 104 - 

























(241) Theodor Geiger, "Die Legende von der 

Ma&sengesellschaft, n in ABSP (1950-51). dtj. 305- 
323 (v. 39, no. 3). - 

(242) Kurt Baschwitz, Du_ und die Masse . 

Studien zu einer exakten Massenpsychologie , 2d 

completely revised edition, Leiden: Brill, 1951, 

pp. 203. 

(243) Friedrich Lenz, Meinungsforschung in 
Deutschland . Eine kurze Darstellung von Ergeb- 
nissen, Methoden und Erkenntniswert wissenr 

schaftlicher Erforschung der offentlichen Mein - 

unj^, Stuttgart: Poeschel, 1950, pp. 51. 

(244) Peter B. Hofstatter, Die Psychologie 
der offentlichen Meinung , Vienna: Braunmuller, 
1949, pp. 184. 

(245) Bene Konig, ed., in cooperation with 
Wilhelm Brepohl, Max Palis, Karl G. Specht, 
Praktische Sozialforschung » Das Interview : 

Formen - Technik - Auswer.tung , Dortmund: Ardey, 
1952, pp. 318. , Some problems of sampling and 
survey errors are treated by a Danish opinion 
research technician, Tore Dalenius, Technik und 
Methoden der S tichprobenerheburigen , Munich: 
Bayrisches Statistisches Landesamt (in the series 
Schriftenreihe des Fachausschusses fur Stich- 

•probenverfahren der Deutschen Statistischen Ge- 

sellfechaft, no. 2), 1950, pp. 101. 

(246) Elfriede Hohn, 'HJntersuchungs- und 
Testmethoden der Sozialpsychalogiein Sozio- 
logie ..., pp. 271 u 305. 

(247) The proceedings of the first German 
Conference on Human Delations, Knud C d Knudsen, 
ed ., Welt ohne Hass . Aufsatze und Ansprachen 
zum I, Kongress uber bessere menschliche Be- 

ziehungen in Munchen , Berlin-Hamburg-Stuttgart: 

Christian, 1950, pp. 199, show plenty of good¬ 
will but little understanding of techniques in¬ 
dispensable for the study of prejudice or for 
combatting it. The study of Judaism's influ¬ 
ences on the European mind by the theologian, 
Professor Hans Kohler, Die Wirkung des Judentums 
auf das abendlandische Geistesleben , Berlin: 

Dun eke r and HumbloT^ n . d» [_ c. 1952 J , pp. 137, is 
an essay in the history of ideas, which has little 
to do with the social reality of Jewish-Gentile 
relations, nor does it reveal important new as¬ 
pects in the analysis of ethnocentric prejudice. 


105 































(248) Ernst Vogel, Public Relations * Offent - 
liche Meinungs- und Beziehungspflege in Theorie 

und unternehmeri scher Praxis , Frankfurt § Knapp (in 

the series, edited by H. Hittershausen, Mannheimer 
Schriftenreihe "Angewandte Wirtschaftswissen- 

schaften ,” no> 3), n. d. [c. 1952 | , pp. 122; Karl 

Hundhausen, Werbung urn offentlich.es Vertrauen . 
’’Public Relations” , Essen: Girardet, n.d» [_ Co 
1951], pp. 195. 

(249) See, <e , Institut fur Publizistik an 
der Universitat Munster, ed», Publizistik als 

Wissenschaft . Sieben Beitrage fur Emil Dovifat , 
Emsdetten; Lechte, 1951, pp, 86; Karl d 9 Ester, 

Die papierene Ivlacht , Kleine Pressekunde , ge- 
schrieben von ZeitgenossehV Munich; Pohl(in the 
series, edited by Karl d 9 Ester, Presse und Welt , 
v, 3), n.d. [c. 1950], pp. 174; Wilhelm Kluten- 
treter, ed.* , Beitrage zur 2 ei tungswi ssenschaf t . 
Festgabe fur Karl d c Ester zum 70. Gebuirb stage von 

seinen Freunden und Schulern , Munster; Aschendorf, 
1952, pp. 203; Hans Badewitz, Der Zeugniszwang 
der Presse , Munich; Pohl (in the series cited 
above, v. o)» n.d. [c. 1952], pp. 83. 

(250) Wolf-Ulrich Wirth, Mogliche Leistungen 
der neuzeitlichen Presse im Dienste des Friedens . 

Ein Beitrag zum Thema Staat - Presse , Munichs 
Pohl(in the series, edited by Karl d 9 Ester, 

Presse und Welt , v. 4), n.d. [c. 195l], pp. 115; 
Georg Bitter, Zur Typologie des deutschen Zeitungs- 
wesens in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland , Munich; 
Pohl (in the series cited above, vZ 5), n. d. 

[0.1951J, pp. 120. 

(251) Wilmont Haake, Jul ius Eodenberg und die 
Deutsche Rundschau . Eine Studie zur Publizistik 
des deutschen Liberalismus (1870-1918) , Heidelberg; 
Vowinckel (in the series Beitrage zur Publizistik , 
v. 2), 1950, pp. 204; Karl Lohmann, ’’Parlamentar- 
ismus und Publizistik,” in Tymbos .. a , pp a 198-215. 

(252) Walter Hagemann, Publizistik im Dritten 
Reich . Ein Beitrag zur Methodik der Massenfuhrung , 
Hamburg; Gilden, 1948, pp. 516. 

(253) Siegfried Sanger, ’’Die Entwicklung der 
deutschen Presse seit 1945,” in GM, pp. 196-200, 

„ (v. 3, no. 4, Apr.. 1952). 

(254) Ernst Forsthoff, ”Zur verfassungsrecht- 
lichen Stellung und inneren Ordnung der Parteien,” 
in Ernst Forsthoff, Karl Loewenstein and Werner 


106 








































Ms.tiz , Die politischen Parteien im Verfassungss trei 1 , 
Tubingen? Mohr (Siebeck), 1950, pp* 5-24; Gerhard 
Leibholz, Hans Eeif dt al * a Verfassungsrechtliche 
Stellung und innere Qrdnung der Parteien , Aus- 
fuhrung und Anwendung der Art., 21 ~hnd 38 u I, 2 des 

Grundgcsetzes (Verhandluhgen des 38* Deutschen 

Juristentages ), TubingensMohr (Siebeck), 19Rl r 

pp, 98; Wilhelm Grewe, M Zum Begriff der politischen 
Partei," in Kaufmann a a a . pp* 65-82, and "Parteien- 
staat- oder w^ls sonst? ," in Der Monat , pp* 563-577 
(v. 3, no, 36, Sep* 196l). 

(255) Latest issued? Jahrbuch der Sozialdemo- 
kratischen Partei Deutschlands 1948/1949 , published 
by the Executive Board, Social Democratic Party 

of Germany, Hanover? Hannoversche Presse, 1949, pp* 
248; Bruno Dopinghaus and Kurt Witt, Politisches 
Jahrbuch der CDU/CSU , published by the Secretariat 
General of the CDU--CSU Joint Board for Germany, 
vol, I, Prankfurt, 1950, pp* 336 a 

(256) Latest issued? Protokoll der Vcrhandlungen 
des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen Partei 

Deutschlands frpm 21, bis 25* Mai 1950 in Hamburg , 

no data of publication, pp* 300; Zweiter Parteitag 
der Christlich-Demokratischen Union CPU 0 Karlsruhe , 

ab 18,-21, Oktober 1951 , Bonn? CDU Deutschlands, n* 
d*, pp* 179* 

(257) A recent publication, Eainer Barzel, Die 
deutschen Parteien , Gelderns Schraffrath, n*d* 

|_ 1952? J , pp* 262, deals mostly with explaining, in 
a roundabout way, various political philosophies, 
is poorly informed, does not use the proper primary 
sources, furnishes obsolete data, and fails to 
supply adequate data on election returns* 

(258) Gunther Pranz, Die politischen Wahlen in 
Niedersachsen 1867 bis 1949 , Bremen? Dorn (publica¬ 
tions of the Hiedersachsisches Amt fur Landes- 
planung und Statistik, Series A - II, vol* 2l) , 

1951, pp* 273* 

(259) Stephanie Munke, Wahlkampf und Machtver- 
schiebung * Geschichte und Analyse der Berliner 
Wahlen vom 3* Dezember 1950 , Introduction by A* B* 

L* Gurland, cd*, Berlin? Duncker and Humfbiot ' in 
a series Schriften des Instituts fur Poiitische 

Wissenschaft , vol* 1), 1952, pp* xix, 282* 

(260) See, egp*, Ferdinand A* Hermens [of Notre 
Dame University], Dcmokratie oder Anarch!e ? Unter- 
suchung.uber die Verhaltniswahl , preface by Alfred 


107 - 


































Weber, Introduction by C[arl] J*Friedrich, Frank¬ 
furt s Metzner (in the series V.i ssenschaf tli che 
Schriften des Instituts zur Forderung offentlicher 

Angelegenheiten m Frankfurt a.M*, volT 8) , 1951, 

pp* xx, 412 9 militantly advocating the abolishment 
of proportional representation! cf, the author 8 s 
Mehrhei tswahlrecht oder Verhaltni swahl recht ? Ber- 
lin--Munichs Buncker and Humblot, 1949, pp * 110| 
Dolf Sternberger, n Das Schicksal der Parteien, n 
in Der Wahler , 1951, no, 7, pp* 263-273, expects 
a radical change in the structure of German poli¬ 
tical parties to materialize when proportional 
representation is abolished* The semi-periodical 
Der Wahler is published by Deutsche Wahlergeseil- 
schaft, of which Dr* Sternberger is one of the 
chief exponents* The publication contains useful 
contributions to the study of public elections* 

(261) Friedrich Glum, Das parlamentarische 
Begierungssystern in Deutschland s Grossbntannien 

und Frankreich , Munich--Berlins Beck, 1950, pp* 

414; for a collection of documents on the history 
of constitutional developments, see Ernst Budolf 
Huber, _ed_* , Quellen zum Staatsrecht der Neuzeit 8 
v* 2s Deutsche Verfassungsdokumente der Gegenwart 
(1919-1951) , Tubingeng Matthiesen, 1951, pp* S94, 
a survey of the nineteenth century development 
of German constitutional problems, centered on 
the issue of centralization of decentralization, 
will be found in Otto Barbarino, Staatsform und 
politische WillensbiIdling , Munlchs Pflaum, 1949, 
pp* 423* 

(262) Theodor Heuss, Verfassungsrecht und 
Verfassungspolltik * Yom monarchischen Konstitu- 
tionalismus zum demokratischen Parlamentarismus , 

KrefeldsScherpe (in the series Politeia, Bonner 

Uni ver si tats reden , 2), n*d* [l950|, pp* 40:, Hans 
Luther, n Weimar und Bonn, 8 * in PB (l95l) , v* 2, 
no* 11, pp* 48* 

(263) Karl Loewenstein, Die Monarchie im 
modernen Staat , Frankfurt; Me t zne r , n * d * |_ c * 1952J, 
pp* 151 * 

(264) Hermann von MangoIdt, Das Bonner Grund- 
gesetz * Kommentar Berlin--Frankfurt. Beehts- 
wissenschaft (Vahlen), n*d*, pp* 440; Friedrich 
Giese, Grundgesetz fur die Bundesrepublik Deutsch¬ 
land * Textausgabe mit Erlauterungen * Staats- 
rechlich erlautert von .**, 2 d, enlarged edition, 
Frankfurt % Kommentator, 1951; Hans-Georg Bahn, 


- 108 


































Staatsrecht des Bundes „ Ein Grundriss , Hamburg— - 
Berlins Schenck, 1951, pp. 120, 

(265) Klaus-Berto von Doemming, Rudolf Werner 
Fusslein and Werner Matz, Entstehungsgeschichte 
der Artikel des Grundgesetzes , Tubingen* Mohr 
(Siebeck)(inGerhard Leibholz and Hermann von Man- 
goldt, eds . , Jahrbuch des offentlichen Rechts der 
Gegenwart , N.F. , vol. 1), 1951, pp. xv, 941, 

(266) Ernst Friesenhahn, Staatsrechtslehrer und 
Verfassung , Krefeld: Scherpe (in the series Bonner 
Akademische Reden , 4), n.d. [1950], ppl 37, 

(267) Ernst Friesenhahn, ’’Lie politis.chen Grund- 
lagen des Bonner Grundgesetzes,” in Hermann Wanders- 
leh and Erich Traumann, eds ,, Recht, Staat, Wirt- 
schaft, Schriftenreihe fur Staatswissenschaftliche 

Fortbildung , vol, 2, Stuttgart--Cologne % Kohlhammer, 

1950, pp, 164-179* 

(268) Ernst von Hippel, Gewaltenteilung im 
modernen Staat , Ko^lentz: Historisch-politischer 
Verlag, n,d, [ 1948 ?], pp, 59, and Die Krise des 
Staatsgedankens und die Grenzen der Staatsgewalt, 

Stuttgart J , Metzler, 1951, pp, 67 , Within a simi- 

lar framework, Hans Adolf Bombois, Strukturelle 
Staatslehre , Berlins Duncker and Humble t, 1952, 
pp, 91, more pointedly leads up to the autonomy of 
corporate ’’estates*’ as basic components of the 
state, 

(269) Martin Drath, ’’Die Gewaltenteilung im 
heutigen deutschen Staatsrecht,” in Faktoren . ,. , 
pp, 99-138; also see Werner Weber, Spannungen und 
Krafte im westdeutschen Vergassungssystem , Stutt¬ 
gart : Vorwerk^ n,d, [preface dated July 1951], pp• 
103. 

(270) F. A. Freiherr von der Heydte, ’’Stiller 
Verfassungswandel und Vergassungsinterpretation,” 
in ARSP (1950-51), pp. 461-476 (v. 39, no. 4); 

Hans Peter Ipsen, ’Das Grundgesetz in seiner Vor- 
laufigkeit,” in Hermann Wandersleb, Erich Traumann, 
eds ., Recht, Staat, Wirtschaft , Schriftenreihe 
fur Staatswissenschaftliche Fortbildung , Stuttgart- 
Cologne s Kohlhammer, v, 2, 1951, pp. 182-202, 
separate printings Ipsen, Uber das Grundgesetz , 
Hamburg? Universitat (in the series Hamburger 

Universitatsreden, 9), 1950, pp© 43; also see Wolf- 
gang Abendroth, ’"'"Deutsche Einheit und europaische 
Integration in der Praambel des Grundgesetzes der 
Bundesrepublik Deutschland,” in EA (l95l), pp© 


109 - 






























4385-4392 (v. 6, no 9 19). 

(271) Martin Brath, ”Bie Grenzen der Verfassungs- 
gerichtsbarkeitin Kaufmann, Brath, Wolff, Connen- 
wein, Bie Grenzen der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit , 
Berlinl de Gruyter (in the series Veroffentlichungen 
der Vereingigung der Beutschen Staatsrechtslehrer , 

no,9),1952,pp.17-116;Hermann Jahrreiss und 

Georg August Zinn, Bie Bechtspflege im Bonner 
Grundgesetz ( Verhandlungen des 37. Beutschen Jur - 
istentages in Koln ), Tubingen 3 Mohr (Sieheck), 1950, 
pp. 1001 Ernst Eriesenhahn, ’ Tiber Begriff und Arten 
der Eechtsprechung unter hesonderer Berucksichti- 
gung der Staatsgerichtsharkeit nach dem Grundgesetz 
und den westdeutschen Landerverfassungen,” in 
Thoma ... t pp. 21-69; Hans Peter Ipsen, ’’Bie Nach- 
prufung von Gesetzen,” in Ernst Wolff, ecU , Bei - 
trage zum offentlichen Becht, Sonderveroffentlichung 

der 2lei tschrif t fur auslaridisches und internationa - 

les Privatrecht . Berlins de Gruyter, Tubingen? Mohr 
(Sieheck), 1950, pp. 791-818. Friedrich Klein, 
’’Bonner Grundgesetz und Bechtsstaat,” in v. 106 ZGSW 
(1950) , pp. 390-411 (no. 3); cf. Hans Spanner, me 
richterliche Prufung von Gesetzen und Verordnungen . 

Eine rechtsvergleichende Unt.ersuchung uber die 
Hauptaufgahe der Verfassungsgerichtsharkeit , Vienna? 
Springer, 1951, pp« 110; Erich Kaufmann, e<l. , Ber 
polizeiliche Singriff in Ereiheiten und Bechte , 

Prankfurt ? Metzner (in the series Wissenschaftliche 

Schriften des Instituts zur Porderung bffentlicher 

Angelegenheiten,v. 7), 1951, pp. xiv, 430. 

(272) He rmann Jahrreiss, ’’Bemokratischer 
Bechts-Staat und Eechtsprechung? Ber Eechtsweg- 
Staat des Bonner Grundgesetzesin Hermann Wanders- 
leh and Erich Traumann, eds . , Becht, Staat, Wirt- 
schaft . Schriftenreihe fur Staatswissenschaftliche 
Porthildung , Stuttgart-Cologne? Kohlhammer, v. 2, 
1950, pp. 203-219; Carl Hermann Ule, Bas Bonner 
Grundgesetz und die Verwaltungsgerichtsharkeit . 

Tubingen? Ivlohr (Sieheck) (in the series Schriften- 

reihe der llochschule Speyer , v. 5), 1950, pp. 40; 
Walter Jellinek and B. Naumann, Bie Verwaltungsge- 
richtsbarkeit . Wieweit empfiehlt es sich, die 
Gesetzgebung uber die Verwaltungsgerichtsharkeit 

zu vereinheitlichen? (Verhandlungen des 3b. 

Beutschen Juristentages in Frankfurt) , Tubingen? 

Mohr (Sieheck), 1951, pp. 109; Hermann Haussmann, 
Ordnurg und Idee als Grundbegriffe einer allge - 

meinen Verwaltungswissenschaft , Tubingen? Mohr 

(Sieheck) (in the series SchrTftenreihe der Aka- 
demie Speyer, v. l), 1948, pp. 36. 


110 








































(273) Hermann Jahrreiss, “Demokratie* Selbst- 
bewusstheit - Selbstgefab.rdung - Selbstscbutz (Zur 
deutschen Verfassungsproblematik seit 1945)in 
Thoma.*•, pp* 71-91; Hellmuth von Weber, K e S * 

Bader et al ., Per Schutz des Staates ( Verhandlungen 
des 38» Deutschen Juristentages in Frankfurt) , 

Tubingen: Mohr (Siebeck), 1951, pp* 97; Ulrich 
Scheuner, "Der Verfassungsschutz im Bonner Grundge- 
setz,” in Kaufmann , * * , pp 9 313-330* 

(274) Walter Jellinek, Hans Schneider, Fried¬ 
rich Klein, Heinrich Herrfahrdt, Kabinettsfrage 
und Gesetzgebungsnotstand nach dem Bonner Grundge- 

setz; Tragweite der Generalklausel im Art* 19 Abs * 

4 des Bonner Grundgesetzes ( Verhandlungen der Ta- 

gung der Deutschen Staatsrechtslehrer zu Heidelberg) , 

Berlins de Gruyter, 1950, pp* 171; Hermann von 
MangoIdt, "Das Verbaltnis von Regierung und Parla- 
ment," in Ernst Wolff, ed_ 9 , Beitrage zum Qffent- 
lichen Recht* Sonderveroffentlichung der Zeitschrift 

fur auslandisch.es und internationales Privatrecht, 

Berlins de Gruyter; Tubingen? Mohr (Siebeck), 1950, 

pp. 819-833; Friedrich Glum, "Kritische Bemerkungen 
zu Art* 63, 67, 68, 81 des Bonner Grundgesetzes, n in 
Kaufmann »»», pp 9 47-64* 

(275) Heinrich Heffter, Die deutsche Selbstver- 
waltung im 19* Jahrhundert 9 Geschichte der Ideen 
und Institutionen, Stuttgarts Koehler, 1950, pp<> 816* 

(276) Heinrich Heffter, "Beamtenstaat und 
Selbstverwaltung,** in Schmoller (1952), pp» 57- 

65 (v. 72, no. l). For the story of local govern¬ 
ment in an important city, see Friedrich Walter, 
Schicksal einer deutschen Stadt * Geschichte Mann— 
heims 1907-1945 , Frankfurt: Knapp, v* Is 1907-1924 , 
n* d* 1_ c. 1949J, pp* 507; vol* II s 1925-1945. , n* d* 
[c. 1950], pp* 419, which, however, does not touch 
upon the problem of the citizens 9 participation 
in self-government* 

(277) Otto Hass, Verwaltungsreform Er- 

neuerung der Verwaltungswissenschaft , Tubingen* 

Mohr (Siebeck), 1950, pp* 158; Ernst von Harnack, 

Die Praxis der offentlichen Verwaltung , 2d, revised 
edition (first edition, 1936, was withdrawn by the 
publisher under orders of Nazi authorities), 
Schwenningen: Holtzhauer, 1951, PP® 306; cf* De_r 
Kamuf urn den Sudweststaat * Verhandl-ungen und 
Beschlusse der gesetzgebend e n Korperschaften d|s _ 

Bundesverfassungsgerichts (publications of Insti_- 

tut fur Staatslehre und Politik, Mainz;, 1952, 


111 





































pp. viii, 507; Gesellschaft zur Wahrung der Grund- 
rechte, Wilhelm Grewe, Ulrich Scheuner, Politische 
Treupflicht im of-fentlichen Dienst * Drei Gutachten , 
Frankfurts Deutscher Bund fur Burgerrechte, pp* 92* 

(278) Georg Strickrodt, Die Finanzverfassung 
des Bundes als politisches Problem , Tubingens Mohr 
(Siebeck ) (in the series Schriftenreihe der Hoch- 
schule Speyer * v* 6), 1951, pp* 49* 

(279) Kurt Heinig, Das Budget , Tubingens Mohr 
(Siebeck), v* 1? Die Budgetkontrolle , 1949, pp* 

586; v» 2s Das Budgetwesen, 1951, pp* 491; v* 3s 
Inhalts-, Sach- und Namensverzeichnis , 1952, pp* 
xx , 204 * 

(280) See, e_*&* , Alfons Pantke, Staatsburger- 
kunde , 2d ed*, Paderborns Schoningh, 1950, pp* 280; 
Wilhelm Classen, Einfiihrung in die Politik , Stutt¬ 
gart s Kohlhammer; Dlisseldorfs Schwann (in the 
series Schaeffers Grundriss des Bechts und der 
Wirtschaft , v* 28, sec* 5), 1950, f pp* 96; Karl 
Nebelsiek, Der Gemeinde-, Staats- und Weltburger * 

Ein Grundriss der Burgerkunde , abridged edition, 
Colognes Muller, 1951, pp* 135; Toni Pippon, Was 
jeder von der Bun des regie rung wissen muss * Pi e 
politischen Grundlagen - Die politischen Person- 

lichkeiten - Das politische Geschehen , Kevelaers 
Butzon and Bercker, 1950, pp* 227* 

(281) The only one to have appeared in recent 
years, Walter Theimer, Lexikon der Politik * Poli¬ 
tische Begriffe, Uamen, Systeme, Gedanken und 
Probleme aller Lander , Hamburgs Auerdruck, 1951, 
pp* 684* It contains inaccuracies and misstate¬ 
ments of fact, based on secondhand, not always re¬ 
liable, sources and betrays the absence of editori¬ 
al direction and organization* Much of this 
might be due to the fact that it is a one-man pro¬ 
duction; teamwork and the function of editing 
remain unknown to most German publishers* 

(282) Arnold Winkler, Grundlagen der Politik , 
Yiennas Humblot (in the series Die Universitat , 

v* 7), n*d* [c* 1949], pp* 212, despite its tii$le, 
is not a work of introduction but a treatise on 
the role of nationalist and socialist ideas in 
world politics* 

(283) Such is the presentation of political 
philosophy in Rudolf Stanka, Geschichte der poli¬ 
tischen Philosoph-ie , v* Is Die politische Philo¬ 
sophic des Altertums , Vienna-Colognes Sexl, 


112 

































1951, pp. 462. Reading material for students is 
rare, too. A recent took of readings, Walter 
Schatzel, ed . , Per Staat . Was Staatsmanner, Poli- 
tiker und Ph.ilosoph.en uber den Staat und seine 

Probleme gesagt haben , Wiesbaden? Pieterich, n. 

d» [ distributed in 1952], pp. xliv, 448, it suffers 
from a lopsided selection (^or the United States, e_. 
£.• , only a few, not particularly characteristic 
passages from Washington, Jefferson and Woodrow 
Wilson have "been included, with inadequate and mis¬ 
leading tihliographical data) and is not improved 
ty erroneous and rather meaningless introductory 
notes. It is probably not the work of the ”edi- 
tor,” a professor of constitutional law, but of 
one of his students, and that the data were never 
checked by anyone. 

(284) Friedrich Oetinger, Wendepunkt der poli- 
tischen Erziehung . Partnerschaft als Padagogische 
Aufgabe , Stuttgart? Metzler, 1S51, pp. 263. 

(285) Gerhard Weisser, Politik als System von 
normativen Urteilen , Sinn-Moglichkeit-Haupter- 
fordernisse , Gottingen: Schwartz (in the series 
Monographien zur Politik , publications of Forschungs- 
institut fur Sozial- und Verwaltungswissenschaften, 
University of Cologne), 1951, pp. 56. 

(286) Johann Wilhelm Mannhardt, ’’Politik und 
Geschichte in heutiger Sicht,” in Kaehler ..., pp. 
455-484. 

(287) Jurgen von Kempski, ”Wie ist Theorie der 
Politik moglich?,” in ZGSW (1950), pp. 441-460 

(v. 106, no. 3). 

(288) Arnold Gehlen, ’’Probleme einer sozidr 
logischen Handlungslehre,” in Soziologie ..., pp. 28- 
62. 


(289) Otto Stammer, ’’Herrschaftsordnung und Ge- 
sellschaftsstruktur. Erkenntnisobjekt und Aufgaben 
der politischen Soziologie,” in Schmoller (1951), 
pp. 259-296 (v. 71, no. 3)5 cf. his ’’Die Entstehung 
und die Eynamik der Ideologien,” in KZS (1950-51), 
v. 3, pp» 281-297. 

(290) Mirko M. Kossitsch, ’’Politische Soziolo¬ 
gie,” in Wiese . . » , pp. 171-186. 

(291) A. B. L. Gurland, ’’Politische Wirklich- 
keit und politische Wissenschaftin Faktoren..., 
pp. 9-38. 


113 





















Index of Authors 

(Lumbers refer to notes, pages 58-113.) 


Abendroth, Wolfgang 

Brauweiler, Heinz 

134 


123, 270 

Brepohl, Wilhelm 

245 

Abetz, Otto 

90 

Brill, Herrmann L. 

222 

Abshagen, Karl Heinz 

Brinkraann, Carl 

213 

35, 

93, 95 

Buber, Martin 

155 

Achenbach, Ernst 

90 

Bulow, Friedrich 

171 

Achminow, G. F. 

223 

Bussmann, Walter 38, 

54 

Albertini, Hudolf 

von 33 



Albrecht, Karl 

121 

Carossa, Hans 

100 

Andreas, Willy 

48 

Classen, Wilhelm 

280 

Arendt, Hannah 

85 

Conze, Werner 58, 

59 

Assmann, Kurt 

106 

Cornides, Wilhelm 

133 

Aubin, He rmann 

125 

Curtius, Julius 

83 

Backhaus, Hugo C. 

113 

Dahms, Hellmuth Gunther 

Bader, K. S. 

273 

31, 105, 

116 

Badewitz, Hans 

249 

Dahrendorf, Gustav 

73 

Barbarino, Otto 

261 

Dalenius, Tore 

245 

Bardeche, Maurice 

113 

Dehio, Ludwig 21, 

84 

Barion, Hans 

32 

Diels, Rudolf 

87 

Bartels, Adolf 

18 

Dietrich, Ernst L. 

32 

Barth, Karl 

49 

Dietrich, Wilhelm 

156 

Barzel, Bainer 

119, 257 

Dirks, Walter 12, 

163 

Baschwitz, Kurt 

242 

Dirksen, Herbert von 


Bechtoldt, Heinrich 231 

127, 

128 

Benz, Ernst 

13, 175 

Dobretsberger, Josef 

191 

Bergstrasser, Arnold 40 

Doemming, Klaus-Berto 

9 

Bernhard, Joseph 

32 

von 

265 

Betz, Hanna 

199 

Dombois, Hans Adolf 

268 

Beyer, Franz 

136 

Dopinghaus, Bruno 

255 

Biehl, Max 

24 

Dorrhofer, Walter 

197 

Bitter, Georg 

250 

Dovifat, Emil 

249 

Blucher, Wipert von 130 

Drath, Martin 37, 


Blumentritt, Gunther 114 

269, 

271 

Bochenski, I. M. 

184 

Drobnig, Ulrich 

220 

Bohm, Franz 

157 



Bottcher, Karl Wilhelm 

Eckert, Georg 

47 


203, 210 

Edding, Friedrich 

201 

Bohatec, Josef 

184 

Ehrenstein, Walter 

239 

Bonn, M. J „ 

179 

Eisner, Bichard 

149 

Borch, Herbert von 101 

Emge, C. A* 

193 

Bo rkenau, Fran z 

231 

Erdmann, Karl Dietrich 

Bornkamm, Heinrich 

12, 13, 

22 


13, 56 

Eschenburg, Theodor 
d 1 Ester, Karl 249, 

198 

Borries, Karl F. 

118 

250 

Borries, Kurt 

124 

Eucken-Erdsieck, Edith 

Bracher, Karl Dietrich 82 

4, 

9 

Brandi, Karl 

15, 18 

Eyck, Erich 53, 

59 


114 


Eynern, Gert von 

158 

Fischbach, Oscar Georg 


194 

Fischer, Fritz 

45 

Foertsch, Herrmann 85 

Forsthoff, Ernst 

254 

Franz, Gunther 

18, 258 

Franzel, Emil 

13, 

29, 

162, 163 

Frenzel, Ivo 

14 

Freund, Michael 

4, 

34, 

76, 129 

Freyer, Ilans 

166 

Fried, Ferdinand 

143 

Friedrich, C. J. 

260 

Friesenhahn, Ernst 

266, 

267, 271 

Fritzsche, Hans 

88 

Gablentz, Otto Heinrich, 

von der 164, 

165, 181 

Gehlen, Arnold 

205, 

239, 288 

Geiger, Theodor 

186, 

190, 241 

Giese, Friedrich 

264 

Glum, Friedrich 

80, 

261, 274 

Gohring, Martin 

33 

Gollwitzer, Heinz 


169, 174 

Gorlitz, Walter 

40, 

103, 109 

Graf, Wolfgang 

15 

Greiner, Helmuth 

108 

Grewe, Wilhelm 

194, 

254, 277 

Griewank, Karl 

43 

Grimm, Hans 

151 

Grundmann, Herbert 33 

Guardini, Romano 

12, 13 

Guderian, Heinz 

110, 

137, 148 

Gurland, A. R. L 

• 

207, 

259, 291 


Guttmann, Bernhard 60 

Haake , Wilmont 251 

Hagemann, Walter 237, 252 

Haider, Franz 153 

Hallgarten, George, 

W, F* 26 


Hanisch, Erdmann 215 

Harnack, Axel von 98 

Harnack, Ernst von 

98, 277 

Harthenstein, Wilhelm 148 
Haushofer, Albrecht 140 
Hausmann, Hermann 272 

Hawgood, John A* 42 

Heffter, Heinrich 

116, 275, 276 
Heinig, Kurt 279 

Heineraann, Gustav W, 135 
Hellpach, Willy 204 

Hentig, Hans von 122 

Hermens, Ferdinand A* 260 
Herrfahrdt, Heinrich 274 
Herz, Emil 62 

Herzer, Albert 228 

Herzfeld, Hans 21, 

28, 35, 105 

Heusinger, Adolf 112 

Heuss, Theodor 262 

Heydte, F. A a Freiherr, 
von der 270 

Hiller, Kurt 7*4 

Hippel, Ernst von 

170, 268 

Hofer, Walther 22 

Hofstatter, Peter R c 244 
Hohn, Elfriede 246 

Hoppe, Willy 18 

Hossbach, Friedrich 111 
Hubatsch, W e 104 

Huber, Ernst Rudolf 

59, 261 

Hundhausen, Karl 248 


Ipsen, Hans Peter 

270, 271 


Jablonowski, Horst 218 
Jaffe, Fritz 64 

Jahn, Wolfgang 34 

Jahrreiss, Hermann 

120, 271, 272, 273 
Jaspers, Karl 1, 2 

Jellinek, Hansjorg 120 
Jellinek, Walter 120, 

272, 274 

Junger, Ernst 14 

Just, Artur W„ 224, 227 

Kahler, Erich 6 


115 


Kaufmann , Erich 
Kellinghusen, Walther 
Kempski, Jurgen von 

118, 

Ke rn , Ern s t 1. 

Kirimal, Edige 
Kirn, Paul 

Klein, Friedrich 271, 
Kleist, Peter 
Kluke, Paul 
Klutentreter, Wilhelm 
Kluxen, Kurt 
Knudsen, Knud C. 
Kogon, Eugen 124, 

Kohler, Hans 
Kohler, Oscar 2, 

Koller, Pesi 
Konig, Rene 
Koppers, Wilhelm 
Kordt, Erich 
Kossitsch, Mirko M, 
Kossmann, Eugen Oskar 
Kramer, Hans 
Krecker, Lothar 
Krekeler, Heinz L, 
Kroll, Gerhard 
Kruger, Herbert 
Kuhii, Johannes 
Kuske, Bruno 

Lange, Max Gustav 
Lassaulx, Ernst von 
Laun, Rudolf 
Leber, Julius 
Leibho1z, Gerhard 

254, 

Lenz, Friedrich 
Lemberg, Eugen 173, 
174, 201, 202, 203, 
Lipgens, Walter 55, 
Loewenstein, Karl 

254, 

Lohmann, Karl 
Lommel, Andreas 
Lowenstein, Hubertu?, 
Prinz zu 

Lowenthal, Richard 
[Sering, Paul] 
Lowith, Karl 
Ludat, Herbert 
Liitgens , Rudolf 
Luth, Paul 
Luther, Hans 


Man, Hendrik de 239 

Mannhardt, Johann 
Wilhelm 286 

Mangoldt, Hermann von 

264, 265, 274 

Marcks, Erich 48 

Mariaux, Franz 79 

Martin, Alfred von 36 

Martini, Winfried 226 

Matz, Werner 254 

Maurach, Reinhart 

119, 220 

Maus, Heinz 189 

Mayer, Gustav 61, 177 

Meimberg, Rudolf 233 

Meinecke, Friedrich 22 

Meissner, Boris 131, 

219, 220, 221, 230 
Meissner, Hans-Otto 76 

Meissner, Otto 76 

Menzel, Eberhard 125 

Meyer, Arnold Oskar 50 

Meyer, Hermann 43 

Mielcke, Karl 78 

Miller, Max 75 

Mohler, Arinin 81 

Mohring, Werner 199 

Monning, Richard 126 

Muhlmann, W. E. 8 

Muhs , Karl 15 

Munke, Stephanie 207, 259 

Munster, Clemens 238 

Nass, Otto 277 

Laumann, R. 272 

Nebelsieck, Karl 280 

Nell-Breuning, Oswald 
von 159, 160 

Niemoller, Martin 136 

Noack, Ulrich 132 

Nurnberger, Richard 178 

Oetinger, Friedrich 284 

Oppler, Kurt 197 

Ortlieb, Heinz-Dietrich 

154 

Pantke, Alfons 280 

Peter, Hans 158 

Pfeil, Elisabeth 201 

Pfister, Bernhard 5 

Picht, Werner 113 

Picker, Henry 85 


271 

206 

287 

195 

225 

42 

274 

129 

128 

249 

180 

247 

210 

247 

10 

200 

245 

2 

93 

290 

142 

30 

202 

127 

161 

120 

10 

192 

252 

167 

138 

73 

265 

243 

216 

63 

263 

251 

146 

23 

158 

172 

218 

141 

110 

262 


116 


Pieper, Josef 11, 

Pippon, Toni 
Polonius 

Preiser, Wolfgang 
Preisser, Erich 
Prittwitz und Gaffron 
Friedrich W 0 von 
Proesler, Hans 
Przywara, Erich 

Radbruch, Gustav 
Rahn, Hans-Georg 
Ralis, Max 
Ramcke, H„ B a 
Rassow, Peter 
Rauch, Georg von 218, 
Ra,u^>ach, Hans 224, 
Rauschning, Hermann 

14 , 

Reif, Hans 
Reiner, Hans 
Reraer, Otto Ernst 
Richert, Ernst 
Richter, Werner 
Rintelen, Enno von 
Ritter, Gerhard 9, 
19, 20, 28, 38, 

66 , 85, 

Rittershausen, H* 
Ronde, Hans 
Ropke, Wilhelm 3, 
Rosenthal-Pelldram, 
Erich 

Rosshach, Gerhard 
Bossier, Hellmuth 
Rothfeis, Hans 40, 
50, 54, 97, 

Rustow, Alexander 4, 
Ruther, Josef 

Sache r, He rmann 
Salin, Edgar 
Salomon, Ernst von 
Sanger, Siegfried 
Sarkisyan z, Emanue1 
Schafer, Emil 
Schatzel* Walter 
Scherer, Alice 
Scherpner, Hans 
Scheuner, Ulrich 7, 
273, 

Schieder, Theodor 65, 
Schiffer, Eugen 


Schilling, Otto 160 

Schlochauer, Hans- 
Jurgen 120 

Schmidt, Paul 89 

Schmidt-Ott, Friedrich 77 
Schmitt, Carl 118, 167 
Schmitthenner, 

Heinrich 144 

Schnee, Heinrich 39 

Schneider, Hans 274 

Schneider, Oswald 127 

Schoeck, Helmut 185 


Schoeps, Hans Joachim 


39, 46, 49, 63, 

165, 167 

Schramm, Percy Ernst 67 

Schuddekopf, Otto- 
Ernst 47 

Schulz, Klaus Peter 211 

Schuppe, Erwin 44 

Schutz, Wilhelm 
Wolfgang 117 

Schwerin von Krosigk, 

Lutz Graf 91 

Schwidetzki , Use 7 

Seidel , Bruno 177 

Seidel, Richard 211 

Severing, Carl 69 

Siemsen, Anna 72 

Siemsen, August 72 

Silherschmidt, Max 24 

Silverberg, Paul 79 

Simon, Ellen 199 

Spanner, Hans 271 

Specht, Karl G a 245 

Springer, Hildegard 88 

Srbik, Heinrich Ritter 
von 17 


Stadelmann, Rudolf 

96, 102 

Stadtmuller, Georg 

86 , 119, 145 
Stammer, Otto 209, 

212, 232, 235, 289 
Stanka, Rudolf 283 

Steinberg, Wilhelm 236 
Steinbuchel, Theodor 176 
Sternberger, Dolf 

207, 208, 260 
Stokl, Gunther 217 

Strickrodt, Georg 278 

Strzelewicz, Willy 137 


191 

280 

139 

180 

158 

9 127 

25 

13 

71 

264 

245 

149 

68 

227 

229 

134 

254 

170 

147 

234 

52 

94 

104 

248 

83 

156 

197 

70 

18 

116 

5 

13 

159 

97 

99 

253 

227 

123 

283 

159 

42 

277 

166 

59 

- 117 


Th&dden-Trieglaff, 

Reinhold von 49 

Theimer, Walter 183, 281 
Thielicke, Helmut 240 

Thieme, Karl 20 

Thurner, Eugen 167 

Tippelskirch, Kurt 
von 107 

Traumann, Erich. 267, 

270, 272 

Treue, Wilhelm 40 

Turk, Fritz 197 

Udahl, Erik 125 

Ule, Carl Hermann 272 

Ulrich, Robert A, 127 

Vaerting, M, T, 5 

Valjavec, Fritz 41 

Verdross, Alfred 119 

Vogel, Erhst 248 

Vogel, Walter 57 

Vogt, Joseph 9 

Volz, Otto 168 

Vossler, Otto 51 

Wagner, Fritz 16, 33 

Walter, Friedrich 276 

Wandersleb, Hermann 

267, 270, 272 


Weber, Alfred 3, 260 

Weber, Helmuth von 273 

Weber, Max 36, 37 

Weber, Werner 269 

Weddigen, Walter 154 

Weinberger, Otto 182 

Weinstein, Adalbert 115 

Weisser, Gerhard 201, 285 

Weizsacker, Ernst von 92 

Weizsacker, Richard 
von 92 

Westarp, Kuno Graf 59 

Wetter, Gustav A, 184 

Widenmann, Wilhelm 104 

Wiesbrock, H e 238 

Wiese, Leopold von 

101, 187 

Wilhelmy, Herbert 146 

Winkler, Arnold 282 

Winkmann, Hans 188 

Wirth, Wolf-Ulrich 250 

Wirz, Ludwig 159 

Witt, Kurt 255 

Wolff, Ernst 271, 274 

Wucher, Albert 55 

Wulf, Walter 27 

Wulker, Gabriele 201 

Zeitzler, Kurt 153 

Ziegler, Adolf W a 227 

Zinn, Georg August 271 


-"118 


Surveys previously published by the European 
Affairs Division in execution of the Foreign 
Consultant Program are listed below. 


Political Science and Economics in Western 
Germany, by Ernst Wilhelm Meyer, April, 
1950, 23 p. 

The Social Sciences in Western Germany, by 
Dolf Sternberger, May, 1950, 63 p* (Out 

of print,) 

The Natural Sciences and German Universities, 
by Kurt Ueberreiter, October, 1950, 32 p, 

(Out of print,) 

Research in Germany on Pressing Social Prob¬ 
lems, by Dolf Sternberger, January, 1951, 

31 p 9 (Out of print*) 

Political Parties in Western Germany, by Ernst 
Wilhelm Meyer, January, 1951, 52 p, (Out 

of print,) 

The Natural Sciences in Western Germany, A 
Symposium on Current Research under the 
Direction of Kurt Ueberreiter, April, 1951, 
127 p, (Out of print,) 

Survey of the Social Sciences in Western 
Germany, A Report on Recent Developments, 
by Max Horkheimer, August, 1952, 225 p, 

(Available through Card Division, Library of 
Congress, Price $1,00,) 













































































































































































































































































































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